The Yazidi are Kurdish-speaking people who adhere to a branch of Iranian religions that blends elements of Mithraism, pre-Islamic Mesopotamian/Assyrian religious traditions, Christianity and Islam.
Melek Taus (Arabic: مَلَك طَاوُوس), or the Peacock Angel, is the Yazidi name for the central figure of their faith.
Melek Taus (Arabic: مَلَك طَاوُوس), or the Peacock Angel, is the Yazidi name for the central figure of their faith.
In the Yazidi belief system, God created the world, and the world is now in the care of a Heptad of seven Holy Beings, often known as Angels or heft sirr (the Seven Mysteries). Preeminent among these is "Tawûsê Melek" (frequently known as "Melek Taus" in English publications), the Peacock Angel. According to the Encyclopedia of the Orient,
Furthermore, the Yazidi story regarding Tawûsê Melek's rise to favor with God is almost identical to the story of the DevilShaitan in Islam, except that Yazidis revere Tawûsê Melek for refusing to submit to God by bowing to Adam, while Muslims believe that Satan's refusal to submit caused him to fall out of Grace with God, and to later become ultimate corrupeter.[2]Yazidi's reverence for Satan requires them to live apart from Christians and specially Muslims because the most common Islamic prayer is to ask for God's protection from the devil "أعوذ بالله من الشيطان الرجيم" where Malek Taus's name shaitan is explicitly mentioned.
"I seek refuge in Allah from Shaitan, the accursed one". The black book of Yazidis mentions it as a duty to kill anyone who says this Islamic prayer or who curses or insults the devil. The Black Book - ARTICLE V "According to our religion it is something intolerable when the Muslim in the morning begins to say in prayer, God forbid! "I take refuge in God, ...." If any one of us hear it, he must kill the one who says it and kill himself; otherwise he becomes an infidel".[3]
Tawûsê Melek is identified by Muslims and Christians with Shaitan (Satan). Yazidis, however, believe Tawûsê Melek is not a source of evil or wickedness. They consider him to be the leader of the archangels, not a fallen angel, and an emanation of God himself. They are forbidden from speaking the name Shaitan. They also hold that the source of evil is in the heart and spirit of humans themselves, not in Tawûsê Melek. The active forces in their religion are Tawûsê Melek and Sheik Adî.
Religious significance[edit]
The Yazidi consider Tawûsê Melek an emanation of God and a benevolent angel who has redeemed himself from his fall and has become a demiurge who created the cosmos from the Cosmic egg. After he repented, he wept for 7,000 years, his tears filling seven jars, which then quenched the fires of hell.
Tawûsê Melek is sometimes transliterated Malak Ta'us, Malak Tawus, Malak Tawwus or Malik Taws. Melek was borrowed from the Arabic term "king" or "angel". Tawûs is uncontroversially translated "peacock"; in art and sculpture, Tawûsê Melek is depicted as peacock. However, peacocks are not native to the lands where Tawûsê Melek is worshipped. Among early Christians, the peacock represented immortality on account of the folk belief that its flesh does not decay after death, and this symbolism has passed into Yazidi beliefs.[4] Consequently, peacock imagery adorns Yazidi shrines, gateways, graves, and houses of worship.
The Kitêba Cilwe "Book of Illumination", which claims to be the words of Tawûsê Melek, and which presumably represents Yazidi belief, states that he allocates responsibilities, blessings and misfortunes as he sees fit and that it is not for the race of Adam to question him. Sheikh Adî believed that the spirit of Tawûsê Melek is the same as his own, perhaps as a reincarnation. He is believed to have said:
Yazidi accounts of creation differ from that of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. They believe that God first created Tawûsê Melek from his own illumination (Ronahî) and the other six archangels were created later. God ordered Tawûsê Melek not to bow to other beings. Then God created the other archangels and ordered them to bring him dust (Ax) from the Earth (Erd) and build the body of Adam. Then God gave life to Adam from his own breath and instructed all archangels to bow to Adam. The archangels obeyed except for Tawûsê Melek. In answer to God, Tawûsê Melek replied, "How can I submit to another being! I am from your illumination while Adam is made of dust." Then God praised him and made him the leader of all angels and his deputy on the Earth. (This likely furthers what some see as a connection to the Islamic Shaytan, as according to the Quran he too refused to bow to Adam at God's command, though in this case it is seen as being a sign of Shaytan's sinful pride.) Hence the Yazidis believe that Tawûsê Melek is the representative of God on the face of the Earth, and comes down to the Earth on the first Wednesday of Nisan (April). Yazidis hold that God created Tawûsê Melek on this day, and celebrate it as New Year's Day.Yazidis argue that the order to bow to Adam was only a test for Tawûsê Melek, since if God commands anything then it must happen. (Bibe, dibe). In other words, God could have made him submit to Adam, but gave Tawûsê Melek the choice as a test. They believe that their respect and praise for Tawûsê Melek is a way to acknowledge his majestic and sublime nature. This idea is called "Knowledge of the Sublime" (Zanista Ciwaniyê). Sheikh Adî has observed the story of Tawûsê Melek and believed in him.[5]
Yazidis believe that good and evil both exist in the mind and spirit of human beings. It depends on the humans, themselves, as to which they choose. In this process, their devotion to Tawûsê Melek is essential, since it was he who was given the same choice between good and evil by God, and chose the good.
The Yazidi believe that the founder of their religion, Sheikh Adi Ibn Musafir, was an incarnation of Tawûsê Melek.
Abrahamic interpretation of Melek Taus[edit]
Christians, Muslims and others identify Tawûsê Melek as Lucifer or Satan. According to the Yazidi Black Book, the Yazidi are forbidden to say the name "Shaitan" or "Satan". Neither is it permitted to us to pronounce the name of Shaitan because it is the name of our God, nor any name resembling this, such as Kitan, Sharr, Shatt; nor any vocable resembling mal'un, [cursed one], na'l, or the like[6][7]
References
Shaykh ‘Adī ibn Musāfir al-Umawī (Arabic: عدي بن مسافر الاموي; Kurdish: Şêx Adî [ʃex ɑdi], died 1162), a descendant of Umayyad Caliph Marwan ibn al-Hakam, was born in the 1070s in the Beqaa Valley of present-day Lebanon.[1] Adi is said to have been born in the village of Bait Far, near Baalbek, where the house of his birth was in and is still the place of pious pilgrimage.[2] The Yazidi consider him an Avatar ofTawûsê Melek, the "Peacock Angel". His tomb at Lalish, Iraq is a focal point ofYazidi pilgrimage.[3]
Şêx Adî spent much of his early life in Baghdad. To attain a sufi life and seclude himself he sought a quiet haven in Kurdistan, an area strongly associated with indigenous Iranian religious movements such as Zoroastrianism.[citation needed]
Despite his desire for seclusion, he impressed the local population with hisasceticism and miracles.[1][4]
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The Yazidi (also Yezidi, Êzidî, Yazdani, ایزدیان) are an Arab and Kurdish religious community whose syncretic but ancient religion is linked to Zoroastrianism and ancient Mesopotamian religions.[11] They live primarily in the Nineveh Province of northern Iraq, a region once part of ancient Assyria. Additional communities inArmenia, Georgia and Syria have been in decline since the 1990s, their members having migrated to Europe, especially to Germany.[12] The Yazidi believe in Godas creator of the world, which he placed under the care of seven "holy beings" orangels, the "chief" (archangel) of whom is Melek Taus, the "Peacock Angel." InZoroastrian-like tradition, the Peacock Angel embodied humanity's potential for both good (light) and bad (dark) acts, and due to pride temporarily fell from God's favor, before his remorseful tears extinguished the fires of his hellish prison and he reconciled with God. Other monotheistic religions re-cast the Peacock Angel as the unredeemed evil deity Satan, which incited centuries of persecution of the Yazidi as "devil worshippers" by followers of these religions. Persecution of Yazidis has continued in their home communities within the borders of modern Iraq, under both Saddam Hussein and fundamentalist Sunni Muslim revolutionaries.[13]
The Yazidi (also Yezidi, Êzidî, Yazdani, ایزدیان) are an Arab and Kurdish religious community whose syncretic but ancient religion is linked to Zoroastrianism and ancient Mesopotamian religions.[11] They live primarily in the Nineveh Province of northern Iraq, a region once part of ancient Assyria. Additional communities inArmenia, Georgia and Syria have been in decline since the 1990s, their members having migrated to Europe, especially to Germany.[12] The Yazidi believe in Godas creator of the world, which he placed under the care of seven "holy beings" orangels, the "chief" (archangel) of whom is Melek Taus, the "Peacock Angel." InZoroastrian-like tradition, the Peacock Angel embodied humanity's potential for both good (light) and bad (dark) acts, and due to pride temporarily fell from God's favor, before his remorseful tears extinguished the fires of his hellish prison and he reconciled with God. Other monotheistic religions re-cast the Peacock Angel as the unredeemed evil deity Satan, which incited centuries of persecution of the Yazidi as "devil worshippers" by followers of these religions. Persecution of Yazidis has continued in their home communities within the borders of modern Iraq, under both Saddam Hussein and fundamentalist Sunni Muslim revolutionaries.[13]
Contents
Demographics[edit]
Historically, the Yazidi lived primarily in communities in locales that are in present-dayIraq, Syria, and Turkey, and also had significant numbers in Armenia and Georgia. However, events since the 20th century have resulted in considerable demographic shift in these areas as well as mass emigration.[5] As a result population estimates are unclear in many regions, and estimates of the size of the total population vary.[1]
The bulk of the Yazidi population lives in Iraq, where they make up an important Iraqi minority community.[1] Estimates of the size of these communities vary significantly, between 70,000 and 500,000. They are particularly concentrated in northern Iraq in theNineveh Province. The two biggest communities are in Shekhan, northeast of Mosul, and in Sinjar, at the Syrian border 80 kilometres (50 mi) west of Mosul. In Shekhan is the shrine of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir at Lalish. During the 20th century the Shekhan community struggled for dominance with the more conservative Sinjar community.[1] The demographic profile has probably changed considerably since the beginning of theIraq War in 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime.[1]
Yazidi in Syria live primarily in two communities, one in the Al-Jazira area and the other in the Kurd-Dagh.[1] Population numbers for the Syrian Yazidi community are unclear. In 1963 the community was estimated at about 10,000, according to the national census, but numbers for 1987 were unavailable.[14] There may be between about 12,000 and 15,000 Yazidi in Syria today,[1][15] though more than half of the community may have emigrated from Syria since the 1980s.[5] Estimates are further complicated by the arrival of as many as 50,000 Yazidi refugees from Iraq during the Iraq War.[5]
The Turkish Yazidi community declined precipitously during the 20th century. By 1982 it had decreased to about 30,000, and in 2009 there were fewer than 500. Most Turkish Yazidi have emigrated to Europe, particularly Germany; those who remain reside primarily in their former heartland of Tur Abdin.[1] Population estimates for the communities in Georgia and Armenia vary, but they too have declined severely. In Georgia the community fell from around 30,000 people to fewer than 5,000 during the 1990s.[5] The numbers in Armenia may have been somewhat more stable; there may be around 40,000 Yazidi still in Armenia.[16] Most Georgian and Armenian Yazidi have relocated to Russia,[5] which recorded a population of 31,273 Yazidis in the 2002 census.[8]
This mass emigration has resulted in the establishment of large diaspora communities abroad. The most significant of these is in Germany, which now has a Yazidi community of over 40,000. Most are from Turkey and more recently Iraq, and live in the western states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony.[1] Since 2008 Sweden has seen sizable growth in its Yazidi emigrant community, which had grown to around 4,000 by 2010,[5] and a smaller community exists in the Netherlands.[1] Other diaspora groups live in Belgium, Denmark, France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and Australia; these have a total population of probably less than 5,000.[1]
In August 2007, some 500 Yazidis were killed in a coordinated series of bombings in Qahtaniya that became the deadliest suicide attack since the Iraq War began. In August 2009, at least 20 people were killed and 30 wounded in a double suicide bombing in northern Iraq, an Iraqi Interior Ministry official said. Two suicide bomberswith explosive vests carried out the attack at a cafe in Sinjar, a town west of Mosul. In Sinjar, many townspeople are members of the Yazidi minority.[17]
The Salafist militant group Islamic State, which considers the Yazidi devil-worshippers, overtook Sinjar in August 2014 following the withdrawal of Peshmerga troops, forcing up to 50,000 Yazidis to flee into the nearby mountainous region.[18] Threatened with death at the hands of militants and faced with starvation in the mountains, their plight received international media coverage,[19] leading President Obama to authorize humanitarian airdrops of food and water onto Sinjar Mountain and US airstrikes against militants in support of the beleaguered religious minority. The humanitarian assistance began on 7 August 2014.[20]
Historically, the Yazidi lived primarily in communities in locales that are in present-dayIraq, Syria, and Turkey, and also had significant numbers in Armenia and Georgia. However, events since the 20th century have resulted in considerable demographic shift in these areas as well as mass emigration.[5] As a result population estimates are unclear in many regions, and estimates of the size of the total population vary.[1]
The bulk of the Yazidi population lives in Iraq, where they make up an important Iraqi minority community.[1] Estimates of the size of these communities vary significantly, between 70,000 and 500,000. They are particularly concentrated in northern Iraq in theNineveh Province. The two biggest communities are in Shekhan, northeast of Mosul, and in Sinjar, at the Syrian border 80 kilometres (50 mi) west of Mosul. In Shekhan is the shrine of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir at Lalish. During the 20th century the Shekhan community struggled for dominance with the more conservative Sinjar community.[1] The demographic profile has probably changed considerably since the beginning of theIraq War in 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime.[1]
Yazidi in Syria live primarily in two communities, one in the Al-Jazira area and the other in the Kurd-Dagh.[1] Population numbers for the Syrian Yazidi community are unclear. In 1963 the community was estimated at about 10,000, according to the national census, but numbers for 1987 were unavailable.[14] There may be between about 12,000 and 15,000 Yazidi in Syria today,[1][15] though more than half of the community may have emigrated from Syria since the 1980s.[5] Estimates are further complicated by the arrival of as many as 50,000 Yazidi refugees from Iraq during the Iraq War.[5]
The Turkish Yazidi community declined precipitously during the 20th century. By 1982 it had decreased to about 30,000, and in 2009 there were fewer than 500. Most Turkish Yazidi have emigrated to Europe, particularly Germany; those who remain reside primarily in their former heartland of Tur Abdin.[1] Population estimates for the communities in Georgia and Armenia vary, but they too have declined severely. In Georgia the community fell from around 30,000 people to fewer than 5,000 during the 1990s.[5] The numbers in Armenia may have been somewhat more stable; there may be around 40,000 Yazidi still in Armenia.[16] Most Georgian and Armenian Yazidi have relocated to Russia,[5] which recorded a population of 31,273 Yazidis in the 2002 census.[8]
This mass emigration has resulted in the establishment of large diaspora communities abroad. The most significant of these is in Germany, which now has a Yazidi community of over 40,000. Most are from Turkey and more recently Iraq, and live in the western states of North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony.[1] Since 2008 Sweden has seen sizable growth in its Yazidi emigrant community, which had grown to around 4,000 by 2010,[5] and a smaller community exists in the Netherlands.[1] Other diaspora groups live in Belgium, Denmark, France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and Australia; these have a total population of probably less than 5,000.[1]
In August 2007, some 500 Yazidis were killed in a coordinated series of bombings in Qahtaniya that became the deadliest suicide attack since the Iraq War began. In August 2009, at least 20 people were killed and 30 wounded in a double suicide bombing in northern Iraq, an Iraqi Interior Ministry official said. Two suicide bomberswith explosive vests carried out the attack at a cafe in Sinjar, a town west of Mosul. In Sinjar, many townspeople are members of the Yazidi minority.[17]
The Salafist militant group Islamic State, which considers the Yazidi devil-worshippers, overtook Sinjar in August 2014 following the withdrawal of Peshmerga troops, forcing up to 50,000 Yazidis to flee into the nearby mountainous region.[18] Threatened with death at the hands of militants and faced with starvation in the mountains, their plight received international media coverage,[19] leading President Obama to authorize humanitarian airdrops of food and water onto Sinjar Mountain and US airstrikes against militants in support of the beleaguered religious minority. The humanitarian assistance began on 7 August 2014.[20]
Origins[edit]
This section may contain parts that are misleading. (September 2013)
The Yazidi are Kurdish-speaking people who adhere to a branch of Iranian religions that blends elements of Mithraism, pre-Islamic Mesopotamian/Assyrian religious traditions, Christianity and Islam. In addition to Kurdish, there are significant Yazidi communities who speak Arabic as their native language. Their principal holy site is in Lalish, northeast of Mosul. The Yazidis' own name for themselves is Êzidî or Êzîdî or, in some areas, Dasinî (the latter, strictly speaking, is a tribal name). Some scholars have derived the name Yazidi from Old Iranian yazata (divine being), but most say it is a derivation from UmayyadCaliph Yazid I (Yazid bin Muawiyah), revered by the Yazidis as an incarnation of the divine figure Sultan Ezi.[21] Yazidis, themselves, believe that their name is derived from the word Yezdan or Êzid "God". The Yazidis' cultural practices are observably in Kurdish, and almost all speak Kurmanjî with the exception of the villages of Bashiqa and Bahazane, where Arabicis spoken. Kurmanjî is the language of almost all the orally transmitted religious traditions of the Yazidis.
The religion of the Yazidis has many influences: Sufi influence and imagery can be seen in their religious vocabulary, especially in the terminology of their esoteric literature, but much of the theology is non-Islamic. Their cosmogonies apparently have many points in common with those of ancient Persian religions. Early writers attempted to describe Yazidi origins, broadly speaking, in terms of Islam, or Persian, or sometimes even pagan religions; however, publications since the 1990s have shown such an approach to be simplistic.[1]
The origin of the Yazidi religion is now usually seen by scholars as a complex process of syncretism, whereby the belief system and practices of a local faith had a profound influence on the religiosity of adherents of the 'Adawiyya Sufi order living in the Yezidi mountains, and caused it to deviate from Islamic norms relatively soon after the death of its founder, Shaykh 'Adī ibn Musafir, who is said to be of Umayyad descent. He settled in the valley of Laliş (some thirty-six miles north-east of Mosul) in the early 12th century. Şêx Adî himself, a figure of undoubted orthodoxy, enjoyed widespread influence. He died in 1162, and his tomb at Laliş is a focal point of Yazidi pilgrimage.[22]
According to the Yezidi calendar, April 2012 marked the beginning of their year 6,762 (thereby year 1 would have been in 4,750 BC in the Gregorian calendar).[23]
During the fourteenth century, important Yezidi tribes whose sphere of influence stretched well into what is now Turkey (including, for a period, the rulers of the principality of Jazira) are cited in historical sources as Yazidi.
According to Moḥammed Aš-Šahrastani, "The Yezidis are the followers of Yezîd bn Unaisa, who [said that he] kept friendship with the first Muhakkama before the Azariḳa"[24] "It is clear, then, that Aš-Šahrastani finds the religious origin of this interesting people in the person of Yezîd bn Unaisa. ... We are to understand, therefore, that to the knowledge of the writer, bn Unaisa is the founder of the Yezidi sect, which took its name from him."[25] "Now, the first Muhakkamah is an appellative applied to the Muslim schismatics called Al-Ḫawarij. ... According to this it might be inferred that the Yezidis were originally a Ḫarijite sub-sect."[26] "Yezid moreover, is said to have been in sympathy with Al-Abaḍiyah, a sect founded by 'Abd-Allah Ibn Ibaḍ.";[26] and the Ibaḍi sect is another Ḫarijite sub-sect.
| This section may contain parts that are misleading. (September 2013) |
The Yazidi are Kurdish-speaking people who adhere to a branch of Iranian religions that blends elements of Mithraism, pre-Islamic Mesopotamian/Assyrian religious traditions, Christianity and Islam. In addition to Kurdish, there are significant Yazidi communities who speak Arabic as their native language. Their principal holy site is in Lalish, northeast of Mosul. The Yazidis' own name for themselves is Êzidî or Êzîdî or, in some areas, Dasinî (the latter, strictly speaking, is a tribal name). Some scholars have derived the name Yazidi from Old Iranian yazata (divine being), but most say it is a derivation from UmayyadCaliph Yazid I (Yazid bin Muawiyah), revered by the Yazidis as an incarnation of the divine figure Sultan Ezi.[21] Yazidis, themselves, believe that their name is derived from the word Yezdan or Êzid "God". The Yazidis' cultural practices are observably in Kurdish, and almost all speak Kurmanjî with the exception of the villages of Bashiqa and Bahazane, where Arabicis spoken. Kurmanjî is the language of almost all the orally transmitted religious traditions of the Yazidis.
The religion of the Yazidis has many influences: Sufi influence and imagery can be seen in their religious vocabulary, especially in the terminology of their esoteric literature, but much of the theology is non-Islamic. Their cosmogonies apparently have many points in common with those of ancient Persian religions. Early writers attempted to describe Yazidi origins, broadly speaking, in terms of Islam, or Persian, or sometimes even pagan religions; however, publications since the 1990s have shown such an approach to be simplistic.[1]
The origin of the Yazidi religion is now usually seen by scholars as a complex process of syncretism, whereby the belief system and practices of a local faith had a profound influence on the religiosity of adherents of the 'Adawiyya Sufi order living in the Yezidi mountains, and caused it to deviate from Islamic norms relatively soon after the death of its founder, Shaykh 'Adī ibn Musafir, who is said to be of Umayyad descent. He settled in the valley of Laliş (some thirty-six miles north-east of Mosul) in the early 12th century. Şêx Adî himself, a figure of undoubted orthodoxy, enjoyed widespread influence. He died in 1162, and his tomb at Laliş is a focal point of Yazidi pilgrimage.[22]
According to the Yezidi calendar, April 2012 marked the beginning of their year 6,762 (thereby year 1 would have been in 4,750 BC in the Gregorian calendar).[23]
During the fourteenth century, important Yezidi tribes whose sphere of influence stretched well into what is now Turkey (including, for a period, the rulers of the principality of Jazira) are cited in historical sources as Yazidi.
According to Moḥammed Aš-Šahrastani, "The Yezidis are the followers of Yezîd bn Unaisa, who [said that he] kept friendship with the first Muhakkama before the Azariḳa"[24] "It is clear, then, that Aš-Šahrastani finds the religious origin of this interesting people in the person of Yezîd bn Unaisa. ... We are to understand, therefore, that to the knowledge of the writer, bn Unaisa is the founder of the Yezidi sect, which took its name from him."[25] "Now, the first Muhakkamah is an appellative applied to the Muslim schismatics called Al-Ḫawarij. ... According to this it might be inferred that the Yezidis were originally a Ḫarijite sub-sect."[26] "Yezid moreover, is said to have been in sympathy with Al-Abaḍiyah, a sect founded by 'Abd-Allah Ibn Ibaḍ.";[26] and the Ibaḍi sect is another Ḫarijite sub-sect.
Religious beliefs[edit]
Part of a series on Yazdânism 
The yellow sun with 21 rays. The number 21 holds great importance in the ancient religious practice of Yazdânism.
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Yazidis are monotheists, believing in one God, who created the world and entrusted it into the care of a Heptad of seven Holy Beings, often known as Angelsor heft sirr (the Seven Mysteries). Preeminent among these is Tawûsê Melek(frequently known as "Melek Taus" in English publications), the Peacock Angel.[citation needed]
Yazidism is not an offshoot of another religion (such as Christianity or Islam), but shows influence from the many religions of the middle-east. Core Yazidi cosmology has a pre-Zoroastrian Iranian origin, but Yazidism also includes elements of ancient nature-worship, as well as influences from Christianity, Gnosticism, Zoroastrianism, Islam and Judaism. The heptad of angels are God's emanations which are formed of the light of God. God delegates most of his action to the heptad and is therefore somewhat deistic in nature.[citation needed]
According to the Encyclopedia of the Orient,
Furthermore, the Yazidi story regarding Tawûsê Melek's rise to favor with God is almost identical to the story of the jinn Iblis in Islam, except that Yazidis revere Tawûsê Melek for[citation needed] refusing to submit to God by bowing to Adam, while Muslims believe that Iblis' refusal to submit caused him to fall out of Grace with God, and to later become Satan himself.[28]
Tawûsê Melek is often identified by Muslims and Christians with Shaitan (Satan). Yazidis, however, believe Tawûsê Melek is not a source of evil or wickedness. They consider him to be the leader of the archangels, not a fallen angel. They are forbidden from speaking the name Shaitan. They also hold that the source of evil is in the heart and spirit of humans themselves, not in Tawûsê Melek. The active forces in their religion are Tawûsê Melek and Sheik Adî.[citation needed]
The Kitêba Cilwe "Book of Illumination", which claims to be the words of Tawûsê Melek, and which presumably represents Yazidi belief, states that he allocates responsibilities, blessings and misfortunes as he sees fit and that it is not for the race of Adam to question him. Sheikh Adî believed that the spirit of Tawûsê Melek was the same as his own, perhaps as a reincarnation. He is reported to have said:
Yazidi accounts of creation differ from that of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. They believe that God first created Tawûsê Melek from his own illumination (Ronahî) and the other six archangels were created later. God ordered Tawûsê Melek not to bow to other beings. Then God created the other archangels and ordered them to bring him dust (Ax) from the Earth (Erd) and build the body of Adam. Then God gave life to Adam from his own breath and instructed all archangels to bow to Adam. The archangels obeyed except for Tawûsê Melek. In answer to God, Tawûsê Melek replied, "How can I submit to another being! I am from your illumination while Adam is made of dust." Then God praised him and made him the leader of all angels and his deputy on the Earth. (This probably furthers what some see as a connection to the Islamic Shaytan, as according to the Quran he too refused to bow to Adam at God's command, though in this case it is seen as being a sign of Shaytan's sinful pride.) Hence the Yazidis believe that Tawûsê Melek is the representative of God on the face of the Earth and comes down to the Earth on the first Wednesday of Nisan(April). Yazidis hold that God created Tawûsê Melek on this day, and celebrate it as New Year's Day. Yazidis argue that the order to bow to Adam was only a test for Tawûsê Melek, since if God commands anything then it must happen. (Bibe, dibe). In other words, God could have made him submit to Adam, but gave Tawûsê Melek the choice as a test. They believe that their respect and praise for Tawûsê Melek is a way to acknowledge his majestic and sublime nature. This idea is called "Knowledge of the Sublime" (Zanista Ciwaniyê). Şêx Adî has observed the story of Tawûsê Melek and believed in him.[29]
One of the key creation beliefs held by Yazidis is that they are the descendants of Adam through his son Shehid bin Jer rather than Eve.[27] Yazidis believe that good and evil both exist in the mind and spirit of human beings. It depends on the humans, themselves, as to which they choose. In this process, their devotion to Tawûsê Melek is essential, since it was he who was given the same choice between good and evil by God, and chose the good.[citation needed]
The Yazidi holy books are claimed to be the Kitêba Cilwe (Book of Revelation) and the Mishefa Reş (Black Book). However, scholars generally agree that the manuscripts of both books published in 1911 and 1913 were forgeries written by non-Yazidis in response to Western travelers' and scholars' interest in the Yazidi religion; the material in them is consistent with authentic Yezidi traditions, however.[21] True texts of those names may have existed, but remain obscure. The real core texts of the religion that exist today are the hymns known as qawls; they have also been orally transmitted during most of their history, but are now being collected with the assent of the community, effectively transforming Yazidism into a scriptural religion.[21] The qawls are full of cryptic allusions and usually need to be accompanied by čirōks or 'stories' that explain their context.[21]
Two key and interrelated features of Yazidism are: a) a preoccupation with religious purity and b) a belief in metempsychosis. The first of these is expressed in the system of caste, the food laws, the traditional preferences for living in Yazidi communities, and the variety of taboos governing many aspects of life. The second is crucial; Yazidis traditionally believe that the Seven Holy Beings are periodically reincarnated in human form, called a koasasa.[citation needed]
A belief in the reincarnation of lesser Yazidi souls also exists. Like the Ahl-e Haqq, the Yazidis use the metaphor of a change of garment to describe the process, which they call kiras guhorîn in Kurmanji (changing the garment). Spiritual purification of the soul can be attained via continual reincarnation within the faith group, but it can also be halted by means of expulsion from the Yazidi community; this is the worst possible fate, since the soul's spiritual progress halts and conversion back into the faith is impossible.[30] Alongside this notion of continuous rebirth, Yazidi theology also includes descriptions of heaven and hell, with hell extinguished, and other traditions incorporating these ideas into a belief system that includes reincarnation.[27]
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Yazidis are monotheists, believing in one God, who created the world and entrusted it into the care of a Heptad of seven Holy Beings, often known as Angelsor heft sirr (the Seven Mysteries). Preeminent among these is Tawûsê Melek(frequently known as "Melek Taus" in English publications), the Peacock Angel.[citation needed]
Yazidism is not an offshoot of another religion (such as Christianity or Islam), but shows influence from the many religions of the middle-east. Core Yazidi cosmology has a pre-Zoroastrian Iranian origin, but Yazidism also includes elements of ancient nature-worship, as well as influences from Christianity, Gnosticism, Zoroastrianism, Islam and Judaism. The heptad of angels are God's emanations which are formed of the light of God. God delegates most of his action to the heptad and is therefore somewhat deistic in nature.[citation needed]
According to the Encyclopedia of the Orient,
Furthermore, the Yazidi story regarding Tawûsê Melek's rise to favor with God is almost identical to the story of the jinn Iblis in Islam, except that Yazidis revere Tawûsê Melek for[citation needed] refusing to submit to God by bowing to Adam, while Muslims believe that Iblis' refusal to submit caused him to fall out of Grace with God, and to later become Satan himself.[28]
Tawûsê Melek is often identified by Muslims and Christians with Shaitan (Satan). Yazidis, however, believe Tawûsê Melek is not a source of evil or wickedness. They consider him to be the leader of the archangels, not a fallen angel. They are forbidden from speaking the name Shaitan. They also hold that the source of evil is in the heart and spirit of humans themselves, not in Tawûsê Melek. The active forces in their religion are Tawûsê Melek and Sheik Adî.[citation needed]
The Kitêba Cilwe "Book of Illumination", which claims to be the words of Tawûsê Melek, and which presumably represents Yazidi belief, states that he allocates responsibilities, blessings and misfortunes as he sees fit and that it is not for the race of Adam to question him. Sheikh Adî believed that the spirit of Tawûsê Melek was the same as his own, perhaps as a reincarnation. He is reported to have said:
Yazidi accounts of creation differ from that of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. They believe that God first created Tawûsê Melek from his own illumination (Ronahî) and the other six archangels were created later. God ordered Tawûsê Melek not to bow to other beings. Then God created the other archangels and ordered them to bring him dust (Ax) from the Earth (Erd) and build the body of Adam. Then God gave life to Adam from his own breath and instructed all archangels to bow to Adam. The archangels obeyed except for Tawûsê Melek. In answer to God, Tawûsê Melek replied, "How can I submit to another being! I am from your illumination while Adam is made of dust." Then God praised him and made him the leader of all angels and his deputy on the Earth. (This probably furthers what some see as a connection to the Islamic Shaytan, as according to the Quran he too refused to bow to Adam at God's command, though in this case it is seen as being a sign of Shaytan's sinful pride.) Hence the Yazidis believe that Tawûsê Melek is the representative of God on the face of the Earth and comes down to the Earth on the first Wednesday of Nisan(April). Yazidis hold that God created Tawûsê Melek on this day, and celebrate it as New Year's Day. Yazidis argue that the order to bow to Adam was only a test for Tawûsê Melek, since if God commands anything then it must happen. (Bibe, dibe). In other words, God could have made him submit to Adam, but gave Tawûsê Melek the choice as a test. They believe that their respect and praise for Tawûsê Melek is a way to acknowledge his majestic and sublime nature. This idea is called "Knowledge of the Sublime" (Zanista Ciwaniyê). Şêx Adî has observed the story of Tawûsê Melek and believed in him.[29]
One of the key creation beliefs held by Yazidis is that they are the descendants of Adam through his son Shehid bin Jer rather than Eve.[27] Yazidis believe that good and evil both exist in the mind and spirit of human beings. It depends on the humans, themselves, as to which they choose. In this process, their devotion to Tawûsê Melek is essential, since it was he who was given the same choice between good and evil by God, and chose the good.[citation needed]
The Yazidi holy books are claimed to be the Kitêba Cilwe (Book of Revelation) and the Mishefa Reş (Black Book). However, scholars generally agree that the manuscripts of both books published in 1911 and 1913 were forgeries written by non-Yazidis in response to Western travelers' and scholars' interest in the Yazidi religion; the material in them is consistent with authentic Yezidi traditions, however.[21] True texts of those names may have existed, but remain obscure. The real core texts of the religion that exist today are the hymns known as qawls; they have also been orally transmitted during most of their history, but are now being collected with the assent of the community, effectively transforming Yazidism into a scriptural religion.[21] The qawls are full of cryptic allusions and usually need to be accompanied by čirōks or 'stories' that explain their context.[21]
Two key and interrelated features of Yazidism are: a) a preoccupation with religious purity and b) a belief in metempsychosis. The first of these is expressed in the system of caste, the food laws, the traditional preferences for living in Yazidi communities, and the variety of taboos governing many aspects of life. The second is crucial; Yazidis traditionally believe that the Seven Holy Beings are periodically reincarnated in human form, called a koasasa.[citation needed]
A belief in the reincarnation of lesser Yazidi souls also exists. Like the Ahl-e Haqq, the Yazidis use the metaphor of a change of garment to describe the process, which they call kiras guhorîn in Kurmanji (changing the garment). Spiritual purification of the soul can be attained via continual reincarnation within the faith group, but it can also be halted by means of expulsion from the Yazidi community; this is the worst possible fate, since the soul's spiritual progress halts and conversion back into the faith is impossible.[30] Alongside this notion of continuous rebirth, Yazidi theology also includes descriptions of heaven and hell, with hell extinguished, and other traditions incorporating these ideas into a belief system that includes reincarnation.[27]
Organization[edit]
Yazidi society is hierarchical. The secular leader is a hereditary emir or prince, whereas a chief sheikh heads the religious hierarchy. The Yazidi are strictly endogamous; members of the three Yazidi castes, the murids, sheikhs and pirs, marry only within their group, marriage outside the caste is considered as sin punishable by death to restore lost honour.[31]
The current hereditary emir of the world's Yazidi is Prince Tahseen Said.[32]
The current religious leader of the Yazidi is Baba Sheikh.[33]
Yazidi society is hierarchical. The secular leader is a hereditary emir or prince, whereas a chief sheikh heads the religious hierarchy. The Yazidi are strictly endogamous; members of the three Yazidi castes, the murids, sheikhs and pirs, marry only within their group, marriage outside the caste is considered as sin punishable by death to restore lost honour.[31]
The current hereditary emir of the world's Yazidi is Prince Tahseen Said.[32]
The current religious leader of the Yazidi is Baba Sheikh.[33]
Religious practices[edit]
Prayers[edit]
Nivêja berîspêdê (the Dawn Prayer), Nivêja rojhilatinê (the Sunrise Prayer), Nivêja nîvro (the Noon Prayer), Nivêja êvarî (the Afternoon Prayer), Nivêja rojavabûnê (the Sunset Prayer). However, most Yezidis observe only two of these, the sunrise and sunset prayers.
Worshipers should turn their face toward the sun, and for the noon prayer, they should face toward Laliş. [. It is the location of the tomb of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir (Şêx Adî), the main figure of the Yazidi faith.] Such prayer should be accompanied by certain gestures, including kissing the rounded neck (gerîvan) of the sacred shirt (kiras). The daily prayer services must not be performed in the presence of outsiders, and are always performed in the direction of the sun. Wednesday is the holy day but Saturday is the day of rest.[34][35] There is also a three-day fast in December.[27][34]
Nivêja berîspêdê (the Dawn Prayer), Nivêja rojhilatinê (the Sunrise Prayer), Nivêja nîvro (the Noon Prayer), Nivêja êvarî (the Afternoon Prayer), Nivêja rojavabûnê (the Sunset Prayer). However, most Yezidis observe only two of these, the sunrise and sunset prayers.
Worshipers should turn their face toward the sun, and for the noon prayer, they should face toward Laliş. [. It is the location of the tomb of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir (Şêx Adî), the main figure of the Yazidi faith.] Such prayer should be accompanied by certain gestures, including kissing the rounded neck (gerîvan) of the sacred shirt (kiras). The daily prayer services must not be performed in the presence of outsiders, and are always performed in the direction of the sun. Wednesday is the holy day but Saturday is the day of rest.[34][35] There is also a three-day fast in December.[27][34]
Festivals[edit]
The Yazidi New Year falls in Spring (somewhat later than the Equinox). There is some lamentation by women in the cemeteries, to the accompaniment of the music of the Qewals, but the festival is generally characterized by joyous events: the music of dehol (drum) and zorna (shawm), communal dancing and meals, the decorating of eggs.
Similarly, the village Tawaf, a festival held in the spring in honor of the patron of the local shrine, has secular music, dance and meals in addition to the performance of sacred music.
Another important festival is the Tawûsgeran (circulation of the peacock) where Qewals and other religious dignitaries visit Yazidi villages, bringing the senjaq, sacred images of a peacock made from brass symbolising Tawûsê Melek. These are venerated, taxes are collected from the pious, sermons are preached and holy water distributed.
The greatest festival of the year for ordinary Yazidis is the Cejna Cemaiya "Feast of the Assembly" at Lalish, a seven-day occasion. A focus of widespread pilgrimage, this is an important time for social contact and affirmation of identity. The religious center of the event is the belief in an annual gathering of the Heptad in the holy place at this time. Rituals practiced include the sacrifice of a bull at the shrine of Şêx Shams and the practice of sema.
The Yazidi New Year falls in Spring (somewhat later than the Equinox). There is some lamentation by women in the cemeteries, to the accompaniment of the music of the Qewals, but the festival is generally characterized by joyous events: the music of dehol (drum) and zorna (shawm), communal dancing and meals, the decorating of eggs.
Similarly, the village Tawaf, a festival held in the spring in honor of the patron of the local shrine, has secular music, dance and meals in addition to the performance of sacred music.
Another important festival is the Tawûsgeran (circulation of the peacock) where Qewals and other religious dignitaries visit Yazidi villages, bringing the senjaq, sacred images of a peacock made from brass symbolising Tawûsê Melek. These are venerated, taxes are collected from the pious, sermons are preached and holy water distributed.
The greatest festival of the year for ordinary Yazidis is the Cejna Cemaiya "Feast of the Assembly" at Lalish, a seven-day occasion. A focus of widespread pilgrimage, this is an important time for social contact and affirmation of identity. The religious center of the event is the belief in an annual gathering of the Heptad in the holy place at this time. Rituals practiced include the sacrifice of a bull at the shrine of Şêx Shams and the practice of sema.
Pilgrimage[edit]
The most important ritual is the annual seven-day pilgrimage to the tomb of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir (Şêx Adî) in Lalish, north of Mosul, Iraq.[34][36] A sacred microcosm of the world, as it were, it contains not only many shrines dedicated to the koasasa, but a number of other landmarks corresponding to other sites or symbols of significance in other faiths, including Pirra selat "Serat Bridge" and a mountain called Mt. Arafat. The two sacred springs are called Zamzam and Kaniya Sipî "The White Spring".
If possible, Yazidis make at least one pilgrimage to Laliş during their lifetime, and those living in the region try to attend at least once a year for the autumn Feast of the Assembly which is celebrated from 23 Aylūl (September) to 1 Tashrīn (October). During the celebration, Yazidi bathe in the river, wash figures of Tawûsê Melek and light hundreds of lamps in the tombs of Şêx Adî and other saints. They also sacrifice an ox, which is one reason they have been connected to Mithraism, in addition to the presence of the dog and serpent in their iconography. The sacrifice of the ox is meant to declare the arrival of fall and to ask for precipitation during winter in order to bring back life to the Earth in the next spring. Moreover, in astrology, the ox is the symbol of Tashrīn.
The most important ritual is the annual seven-day pilgrimage to the tomb of Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir (Şêx Adî) in Lalish, north of Mosul, Iraq.[34][36] A sacred microcosm of the world, as it were, it contains not only many shrines dedicated to the koasasa, but a number of other landmarks corresponding to other sites or symbols of significance in other faiths, including Pirra selat "Serat Bridge" and a mountain called Mt. Arafat. The two sacred springs are called Zamzam and Kaniya Sipî "The White Spring".
If possible, Yazidis make at least one pilgrimage to Laliş during their lifetime, and those living in the region try to attend at least once a year for the autumn Feast of the Assembly which is celebrated from 23 Aylūl (September) to 1 Tashrīn (October). During the celebration, Yazidi bathe in the river, wash figures of Tawûsê Melek and light hundreds of lamps in the tombs of Şêx Adî and other saints. They also sacrifice an ox, which is one reason they have been connected to Mithraism, in addition to the presence of the dog and serpent in their iconography. The sacrifice of the ox is meant to declare the arrival of fall and to ask for precipitation during winter in order to bring back life to the Earth in the next spring. Moreover, in astrology, the ox is the symbol of Tashrīn.
Purity and taboos[edit]
The Yazidis' concern with religious purity, and their reluctance to mix elements perceived to be incompatible, is shown not only in their caste system, but also in various taboos affecting everyday life. Some of these, such as those on exogamy or on insulting or offending men of religion, are widely respected.
The purity of the four elements Earth, Air, Fire and Water is protected by a number of taboos, e.g. against spitting on earth, water or fire. Some discourage spitting or pouring hot water on the ground because they believe that spirits or souls that may be present would be harmed or offended by such actions if they happen to be hit by the discarded liquid. These may also reflect ancient Iranian preoccupations, as apparently do taboos concerning bodily waste, hair and menstrual blood.
Too much contact with non-Yazidis is also considered polluting. In the past, Yazidis avoided military service which would have led them to live among Muslims, and were forbidden to share such items as cups or razors with outsiders. A resemblance to the external ear may lie behind the taboo against eating head lettuce, whose name koas resembles Yezidi pronunciations ofkoasasa. Additionally, lettuce grown near Mosul is thought by some Yazidi to be fertilized with human waste, which may contribute to the idea that it is unsuitable for consumption. However, in a BBC interview in April 2010, a senior Yazidi authority stated that ordinary Yazidis may eat what they want, but holy men refrain from certain vegetables (including cabbage) because "they cause gases".[37]
Yazidis refrain from wearing the colour blue[citation needed] (or possibly green as stated in Soldier Poet and Rebel by Miles Hudson). The origins of this prohibition are unknown, but may either be because blue represents Noah's flood, or it was possibly the colour worn by a conquering king sometime in the past. Alternatively, the prohibition may arise from their veneration of the Peacock Angel and an unwillingness to usurp His colour.
The Yazidis' concern with religious purity, and their reluctance to mix elements perceived to be incompatible, is shown not only in their caste system, but also in various taboos affecting everyday life. Some of these, such as those on exogamy or on insulting or offending men of religion, are widely respected.
The purity of the four elements Earth, Air, Fire and Water is protected by a number of taboos, e.g. against spitting on earth, water or fire. Some discourage spitting or pouring hot water on the ground because they believe that spirits or souls that may be present would be harmed or offended by such actions if they happen to be hit by the discarded liquid. These may also reflect ancient Iranian preoccupations, as apparently do taboos concerning bodily waste, hair and menstrual blood.
Too much contact with non-Yazidis is also considered polluting. In the past, Yazidis avoided military service which would have led them to live among Muslims, and were forbidden to share such items as cups or razors with outsiders. A resemblance to the external ear may lie behind the taboo against eating head lettuce, whose name koas resembles Yezidi pronunciations ofkoasasa. Additionally, lettuce grown near Mosul is thought by some Yazidi to be fertilized with human waste, which may contribute to the idea that it is unsuitable for consumption. However, in a BBC interview in April 2010, a senior Yazidi authority stated that ordinary Yazidis may eat what they want, but holy men refrain from certain vegetables (including cabbage) because "they cause gases".[37]
Yazidis refrain from wearing the colour blue[citation needed] (or possibly green as stated in Soldier Poet and Rebel by Miles Hudson). The origins of this prohibition are unknown, but may either be because blue represents Noah's flood, or it was possibly the colour worn by a conquering king sometime in the past. Alternatively, the prohibition may arise from their veneration of the Peacock Angel and an unwillingness to usurp His colour.
Customs[edit]
Children are baptized at birth and circumcision is common but not required. Dead are buried in conical tombs immediately after death and buried with hands crossed.
Yazidi are dominantly monogamous but chiefs may be polygamous, having more than one wife. Yazidi are exclusively endogamous; clans do not intermarry even with other Kurds and accept no converts. They claim they are descended only from Adam and not from Eve.
A severe punishment is expulsion, which is also effectively excommunication because the soul of the exiled is forfeit.
Children are baptized at birth and circumcision is common but not required. Dead are buried in conical tombs immediately after death and buried with hands crossed.
Yazidi are dominantly monogamous but chiefs may be polygamous, having more than one wife. Yazidi are exclusively endogamous; clans do not intermarry even with other Kurds and accept no converts. They claim they are descended only from Adam and not from Eve.
A severe punishment is expulsion, which is also effectively excommunication because the soul of the exiled is forfeit.
Folklore[edit]
The tale of the Yazidis' origin found in the Black Book gives them a distinctive ancestry and expresses their feeling of difference from other races. Before the roles of the sexes were determined, Adam and Eve quarreled about which of them provided the creative element in the begetting of children. Each stored their seed in a jar which was then sealed. When Eve's was opened it was full of insects and other unpleasant creatures, but inside Adam's jar was a beautiful boychild. This lovely child, known as son of Jar grew up to marry a houri and became the ancestor of the Yazidis. Therefore, the Yazidi are regarded as descending from Adam alone, while other humans are descendants of both Adam and Eve.[39]
The tale of the Yazidis' origin found in the Black Book gives them a distinctive ancestry and expresses their feeling of difference from other races. Before the roles of the sexes were determined, Adam and Eve quarreled about which of them provided the creative element in the begetting of children. Each stored their seed in a jar which was then sealed. When Eve's was opened it was full of insects and other unpleasant creatures, but inside Adam's jar was a beautiful boychild. This lovely child, known as son of Jar grew up to marry a houri and became the ancestor of the Yazidis. Therefore, the Yazidi are regarded as descending from Adam alone, while other humans are descendants of both Adam and Eve.[39]
In other cultures[edit]
Muslim antipathy[edit]
As a demiurge figure, Tawûsê Melek is often identified by orthodox Muslims as a Shaitan (Satan), a Muslim term denoting a devil or demon who deceives true believers. The Islamic tradition regarding the fall of "Shaitan" from Grace is in fact very similar to the Yazidi story of Malek Taus – that is, the Jinn who refused to submit to God by bowing to Adam is celebrated as Tawûsê Melek by Yazidis, but the Islamic version of the same story curses the same Jinn who refused to submit as becoming Satan.[28]Thus, the Yazidi have been accused of devil worship. Because of this and due to their pre-Islamic beliefs, they have been oppressed by their Muslim neighbors. Treatment of Yazidis was exceptionally harsh during the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 18th and the first half of 19th century and their numbers dwindled under Ottoman rule both in Syria and Iraq. Massacres at the hand of Ottoman Turks and Muslim Kurdish princes almost wiped out their community in the 19th century.[40][41] Several punitive expeditions were organized against the Yazidis by the Turkish governors (Wāli) of Diyarbakir,Mosul and Baghdad. These operations were legitimized by fatāwa from Islamic clerics.[42] The objective of these persecutions was the forced conversion of Yazidis to the Sunni Hanafi Islam of the Turkish Ottoman Empire.[43]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
As a demiurge figure, Tawûsê Melek is often identified by orthodox Muslims as a Shaitan (Satan), a Muslim term denoting a devil or demon who deceives true believers. The Islamic tradition regarding the fall of "Shaitan" from Grace is in fact very similar to the Yazidi story of Malek Taus – that is, the Jinn who refused to submit to God by bowing to Adam is celebrated as Tawûsê Melek by Yazidis, but the Islamic version of the same story curses the same Jinn who refused to submit as becoming Satan.[28]Thus, the Yazidi have been accused of devil worship. Because of this and due to their pre-Islamic beliefs, they have been oppressed by their Muslim neighbors. Treatment of Yazidis was exceptionally harsh during the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 18th and the first half of 19th century and their numbers dwindled under Ottoman rule both in Syria and Iraq. Massacres at the hand of Ottoman Turks and Muslim Kurdish princes almost wiped out their community in the 19th century.[40][41] Several punitive expeditions were organized against the Yazidis by the Turkish governors (Wāli) of Diyarbakir,Mosul and Baghdad. These operations were legitimized by fatāwa from Islamic clerics.[42] The objective of these persecutions was the forced conversion of Yazidis to the Sunni Hanafi Islam of the Turkish Ottoman Empire.[43]
| Wikisource has original text related to this article: |
| Wikisource has original text related to this article: |
Persecution by Islamic State (ISIL)[edit]
In 2014, with the territorial gains of the Sunni extremist militants known as the Islamic State (ISIL) there was much upheaval in the Iraqi Yazidi population. In early August the town of Sinjar was nearly deserted as Kurdish Peshmerga forces were no longer able to keep ISIL from advancing. ISIL had previously declared the Yazidi to be devil worshippers and had taken the two nearby small oil fields and the town of Zumar as part of a plan to try and seize Mosul's hydroelectric dam.[44]
In Sinjar, ISIL destroyed a Shiite shrine and demanded that the remaining population convert to their version of Islam, pay jizya(a religious tax) or be executed. Up to 200,000 people (including an estimated 40,000 Yazidi[45]) fled the city before it was captured by ISIL giving rise to fears of a humanitarian tragedy.[44] Alongside the local Yazidis fleeing Sinjar were Yazidis (and Shiites) who fled to the city a month earlier when ISIL captured the town of Tal Afar.[44]
Most of the population fleeing Sinjar retreated by trekking up nearby mountains with the ultimate goal of reaching Dohuk in Iraqi Kurdistan (normally a five hour drive by car). Concerns for elderly and those of fragile health were expressed by the refugees who told reporters of their lack of water. Reports coming from Sinjar stated that sick or elderly Yazidi who could not make the trek were being executed by ISIL. Yazidi parliamentarian Haji Ghandour told reporters that "In our history, we have suffered 72 massacres. We are worried Sinjar could be a 73rd."[44]
In 2014, with the territorial gains of the Sunni extremist militants known as the Islamic State (ISIL) there was much upheaval in the Iraqi Yazidi population. In early August the town of Sinjar was nearly deserted as Kurdish Peshmerga forces were no longer able to keep ISIL from advancing. ISIL had previously declared the Yazidi to be devil worshippers and had taken the two nearby small oil fields and the town of Zumar as part of a plan to try and seize Mosul's hydroelectric dam.[44]
In Sinjar, ISIL destroyed a Shiite shrine and demanded that the remaining population convert to their version of Islam, pay jizya(a religious tax) or be executed. Up to 200,000 people (including an estimated 40,000 Yazidi[45]) fled the city before it was captured by ISIL giving rise to fears of a humanitarian tragedy.[44] Alongside the local Yazidis fleeing Sinjar were Yazidis (and Shiites) who fled to the city a month earlier when ISIL captured the town of Tal Afar.[44]
Most of the population fleeing Sinjar retreated by trekking up nearby mountains with the ultimate goal of reaching Dohuk in Iraqi Kurdistan (normally a five hour drive by car). Concerns for elderly and those of fragile health were expressed by the refugees who told reporters of their lack of water. Reports coming from Sinjar stated that sick or elderly Yazidi who could not make the trek were being executed by ISIL. Yazidi parliamentarian Haji Ghandour told reporters that "In our history, we have suffered 72 massacres. We are worried Sinjar could be a 73rd."[44]
In Europe[edit]
Feleknas Uca, a Yezidi Member of the European Parliament for Germany's Party of Democratic Socialism, was the world's only Yazidi parliamentarian until the Iraqi legislature was elected in 2005. European Yazidis have contributed to the academic community, such as Khalil Rashow in Germany and Jalile Jalil in Austria.
In May 2012, five members of a Yazidi family living in Detmold, Germany, were convicted for having murdered their sister in a so-called "honour killing" and sentenced to terms ranging from five-and-a-half years to life in prison. The victim was 18-year-old Arzu Özmen (also spelled Ozmen outside Germany), who fell in love with a German journeyman baker and ran away from her family, violating the exogamy taboo. In November 2011, her siblings abducted her and brother Osman killed her with two shots in the head.[46]
Feleknas Uca, a Yezidi Member of the European Parliament for Germany's Party of Democratic Socialism, was the world's only Yazidi parliamentarian until the Iraqi legislature was elected in 2005. European Yazidis have contributed to the academic community, such as Khalil Rashow in Germany and Jalile Jalil in Austria.
In May 2012, five members of a Yazidi family living in Detmold, Germany, were convicted for having murdered their sister in a so-called "honour killing" and sentenced to terms ranging from five-and-a-half years to life in prison. The victim was 18-year-old Arzu Özmen (also spelled Ozmen outside Germany), who fell in love with a German journeyman baker and ran away from her family, violating the exogamy taboo. In November 2011, her siblings abducted her and brother Osman killed her with two shots in the head.[46]
In Western theological references[edit]
This section relies on references to primary sources. (August 2010)
As the Yazidi hold religious beliefs that are mostly unfamiliar to outsiders, many non-Yazidi people have written about them and ascribed facts to their beliefs that have dubious historical validity.
The Yazidis, perhaps because of their secrecy, also have a place in modern occultism. G. I. Gurdjieff wrote about his encounters with the Yazidis several times in his book Meetings with Remarkable Men, mentioning that they are considered to be "devil worshippers" by other ethnicities in the region. Also, in Ouspensky's book "In Search of the Miraculous", he describes some strange customs that Gurdjieff observed in Yezidi boys: "He told me, among other things, that when he was a child he had often observed how Yezidi boys were unable to step out of a circle traced round them on the ground" (p. 36)
The Theosophical Society, in its electronic version of the Encyclopedic Theosophical Glossary states:
Yezidis (Arabic) [possibly from Persian yazdan god; or the 2nd Umayyad Caliph, Yazid (r. 680 - 683); or Persian city Yezd] A sect dwelling principally in Iraq, Armenia, and the Caucasus, who call themselves Dasni. Their religious beliefs take on the characteristics of their surrounding peoples, inasmuch as, openly or publicly, they regard Mohammed as a prophet, and Jesus Christ as an angel in human form. Points of resemblance are found with ancient Zoroastrian and Assyrian religion. The principal feature of their worship, however, is Satan under the name of Muluk-Taus. However, it is not the Christian Satan, nor the devil in any form; their Muluk-Taus is the hundred- or thousand-eyed cosmic wisdom, pictured as a bird (the peacock).[47]
Idries Shah, writing under the pen-name Arkon Daraul, in the 1961 book Secret Societies Yesterday and Today, describes discovering a Yazidi-influenced secret society in the London suburbs called the "Order of the Peacock Angel." Idries Shah claimed that Tawûsê Melek could be understood, from the Sufi viewpoint, as an allegory of the higher powers in humanity.[48]
Order of the Peacock Angel is the name of a Yazidi-influenced secret society described in the 1961 book, Secret Societies Yesterday and Today (subsequently reissued as A History of Secret Societies).[1] The pseudonymous author, "Arkon Daraul", describes encountering members of the organization in the suburbs of London and attending their rituals. Daraul appears to be the only source for the existence of this group.
"Peacock Angel" is the customary translation of "Melek Taus", the divinity honored by the Yazidi. According to Daraul, the English version of the cult was brought to Britain in 1913 by a Syrian whose name is only known to initiates. Membership grew to encompass "several hundred members throughout Britain" as well as three lodges in the United States".
The group subscribes to a belief in a power governing human affairs, symbolized by a peacock. Recruits are instructed through a series of mental and physical exercises intended to place the experience of emotion under the control of the will. Daraul described a ceremony where robed members engaged in an ecstatic dance in the presence of a large statue of a peacock.
As a sign of identification, "the right hand is placed, with the fingers spread out (perhaps to represent the tail of the peacock) on the left breast, just above the heart." Some members are said to keep live peacocks.
 | This section relies on references to primary sources. (August 2010) |
As the Yazidi hold religious beliefs that are mostly unfamiliar to outsiders, many non-Yazidi people have written about them and ascribed facts to their beliefs that have dubious historical validity.
The Yazidis, perhaps because of their secrecy, also have a place in modern occultism. G. I. Gurdjieff wrote about his encounters with the Yazidis several times in his book Meetings with Remarkable Men, mentioning that they are considered to be "devil worshippers" by other ethnicities in the region. Also, in Ouspensky's book "In Search of the Miraculous", he describes some strange customs that Gurdjieff observed in Yezidi boys: "He told me, among other things, that when he was a child he had often observed how Yezidi boys were unable to step out of a circle traced round them on the ground" (p. 36)
The Theosophical Society, in its electronic version of the Encyclopedic Theosophical Glossary states:
Yezidis (Arabic) [possibly from Persian yazdan god; or the 2nd Umayyad Caliph, Yazid (r. 680 - 683); or Persian city Yezd] A sect dwelling principally in Iraq, Armenia, and the Caucasus, who call themselves Dasni. Their religious beliefs take on the characteristics of their surrounding peoples, inasmuch as, openly or publicly, they regard Mohammed as a prophet, and Jesus Christ as an angel in human form. Points of resemblance are found with ancient Zoroastrian and Assyrian religion. The principal feature of their worship, however, is Satan under the name of Muluk-Taus. However, it is not the Christian Satan, nor the devil in any form; their Muluk-Taus is the hundred- or thousand-eyed cosmic wisdom, pictured as a bird (the peacock).[47]
Idries Shah, writing under the pen-name Arkon Daraul, in the 1961 book Secret Societies Yesterday and Today, describes discovering a Yazidi-influenced secret society in the London suburbs called the "Order of the Peacock Angel." Idries Shah claimed that Tawûsê Melek could be understood, from the Sufi viewpoint, as an allegory of the higher powers in humanity.[48]
Order of the Peacock Angel is the name of a Yazidi-influenced secret society described in the 1961 book, Secret Societies Yesterday and Today (subsequently reissued as A History of Secret Societies).[1] The pseudonymous author, "Arkon Daraul", describes encountering members of the organization in the suburbs of London and attending their rituals. Daraul appears to be the only source for the existence of this group.
"Peacock Angel" is the customary translation of "Melek Taus", the divinity honored by the Yazidi. According to Daraul, the English version of the cult was brought to Britain in 1913 by a Syrian whose name is only known to initiates. Membership grew to encompass "several hundred members throughout Britain" as well as three lodges in the United States".
The group subscribes to a belief in a power governing human affairs, symbolized by a peacock. Recruits are instructed through a series of mental and physical exercises intended to place the experience of emotion under the control of the will. Daraul described a ceremony where robed members engaged in an ecstatic dance in the presence of a large statue of a peacock.
As a sign of identification, "the right hand is placed, with the fingers spread out (perhaps to represent the tail of the peacock) on the left breast, just above the heart." Some members are said to keep live peacocks.
Fiction[edit]
Edward D. Hoch's 1965 short novel, People of the Peacock, featured an "Order of the Peacock Angel" which matches the description given in Secret Societies Yesterday and Today:
- The society had an uncertain origin in the area that is now Syria and Iraq, some hundreds of years ago. It was imported into England by a mysterious Syrian back in 1913, and has enjoyed some success there. ... The rites of the Peacock Angel consist mostly of white-robed worshippers dancing madly before an eight-foot ebony statue of a peacock. [2]
The novel describes a chapter of the organization in the United States run by a British emigrant.
In Robert Shea and Robert Anton Wilson's 1975 The Illuminatus! Trilogy, "Order of the Peacock Angel" appears in letterheadas the title of an organization taking part in the Discordian "Operation Mindfuck" project outlined in "Appendix Yod".[3]
Cooper McLaughlin's 1987 short novel, The Order of the Peacock Angel, published in The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction, claims historical sources for its tale of a 1,000 year old society that continued into the 1960s. [1]
Edward D. Hoch's 1965 short novel, People of the Peacock, featured an "Order of the Peacock Angel" which matches the description given in Secret Societies Yesterday and Today:
- The society had an uncertain origin in the area that is now Syria and Iraq, some hundreds of years ago. It was imported into England by a mysterious Syrian back in 1913, and has enjoyed some success there. ... The rites of the Peacock Angel consist mostly of white-robed worshippers dancing madly before an eight-foot ebony statue of a peacock. [2]
The novel describes a chapter of the organization in the United States run by a British emigrant.
In Robert Shea and Robert Anton Wilson's 1975 The Illuminatus! Trilogy, "Order of the Peacock Angel" appears in letterheadas the title of an organization taking part in the Discordian "Operation Mindfuck" project outlined in "Appendix Yod".[3]
Cooper McLaughlin's 1987 short novel, The Order of the Peacock Angel, published in The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction, claims historical sources for its tale of a 1,000 year old society that continued into the 1960s. [1]
Notes[edit]
- ^ Daraul, Arkon (1989). A History of Secret Societies (reissue ed.). pp. 141–155. ISBN 0-8065-0857-4.
- ^ Hoch, Edward D.; edited by Bill Pronzini and Martin Harry Greenberg (2005). The Mammoth Book of Short Spy Novels: "People of the Peacock" (1965). Carroll & Graf. p. 338. ISBN 0-7867-1504-9.
- ^ Wilson, Robert Anton; Robert Shea (1975). The Illuminatus! Trilogy. pp. 351 (ebook edition).
- ^ Daraul, Arkon (1989). A History of Secret Societies (reissue ed.). pp. 141–155. ISBN 0-8065-0857-4.
- ^ Hoch, Edward D.; edited by Bill Pronzini and Martin Harry Greenberg (2005). The Mammoth Book of Short Spy Novels: "People of the Peacock" (1965). Carroll & Graf. p. 338. ISBN 0-7867-1504-9.
- ^ Wilson, Robert Anton; Robert Shea (1975). The Illuminatus! Trilogy. pp. 351 (ebook edition).
In Western literature[edit]
This section relies on references to primary sources. (August 2010)
In William B. Seabrook's book "Adventures in Arabia", the fourth section, starting with Chapter 14, is devoted to the "Yezidees", and is titled "Among the Yezidees." He describes them as "a mysterious sect scattered throughout the Orient, strongest in North Arabia, feared and hated both by Moslem and Christian, because they are worshipers of Satan." In the three chapters of the book he completely describes the area, including the fact that this territory, including their holiest city of Sheik-Adi, was not part of "Irak." This book is the most comprehensive reference of the Arabian desert culture, religion, and people to be published in the west.[49]
In H.P. Lovecraft's story "The Horror at Red Hook", some of the murderous foreigners are identified as belonging to "the Yezidi clan of devil-worshippers".[50]
In her memoir of her service with an intelligence unit of the U.S. Army's 101st Airborne Division in Iraq during 2003 and 2004,Kayla Williams (2005) records being stationed in northern Iraq near the Syrian border in an area inhabited by "Yezidis". The Yezidis were Kurdish-speaking, but did not consider themselves Kurds, and expressed to Williams a fondness for America and Israel. She was able to learn only a little about the nature of their religion: she thought it very ancient, and concerned with angels. She describes a mountain-top Yezidi shrine as "a small rock building with objects dangling from the ceiling", and alcoves for the placement of offerings. She reports that local Muslims considered the Yezidis to be devil worshippers.
In an October 2006 article in The New Republic, Lawrence F. Kaplan echoes Williams's sentiments about the enthusiasm of the Yazidis for the American occupation of Iraq, in part because the Americans protect them from oppression by militant Muslims and the nearby Kurds. Kaplan notes that the peace and calm of Sinjar is virtually unique in Iraq: "Parents and children line the streets when U.S. patrols pass by, while Yazidi clerics pray for the welfare of U.S. forces."[51]
A fictional Yazidi character of note is the super-powered police officer King Peacock of the Top 10 series (and related comics).[52] He is portrayed as a kind, peaceful character with a broad knowledge of religion and mythology. He is depicted as conservative, ethical, and highly principled in family life. An incredibly powerful martial artist, he is able to destroy matter, a power that he claims is derived from communicating with Malek Ta'us.
The Yazidi play a significant role in the thriller Genesis Secret, by Tom Knox, which was an international bestseller in 2006, published in 23 languages. In the book the Yazidi are portrayed as ancient guardians of the megalithic site, Gobekli Tepe, in Kurdish Turkey.
Tony Lagouranis comments on a Yazidi prisoner in his book Fear Up Harsh: An Army Interrogator's Dark Journey through Iraq:
There's a lot of mystery surrounding the Yazidi, and a lot of contradictory information. But I was drawn to this aspect of their beliefs: Yazidi don't have a Satan. Malak Ta'us, an archangel, God's favorite, was not thrown out of heaven the way Satan was. Instead, he descended, saw the suffering and pain of the world, and cried. His tears, thousands of years' worth, fell on the fires of hell, extinguishing them. If there is evil in the world, it does not come from a fallen angel or from the fires of hell. The evil in this world is man-made. Nevertheless, humans can, like Malak Ta'us, live in this world but still be good.[53]
| This section relies on references to primary sources. (August 2010) |
_p454_GATE_OF_YEZEEDI_TEMPLE_SHEIKH_ADI.jpg)
In William B. Seabrook's book "Adventures in Arabia", the fourth section, starting with Chapter 14, is devoted to the "Yezidees", and is titled "Among the Yezidees." He describes them as "a mysterious sect scattered throughout the Orient, strongest in North Arabia, feared and hated both by Moslem and Christian, because they are worshipers of Satan." In the three chapters of the book he completely describes the area, including the fact that this territory, including their holiest city of Sheik-Adi, was not part of "Irak." This book is the most comprehensive reference of the Arabian desert culture, religion, and people to be published in the west.[49]
In H.P. Lovecraft's story "The Horror at Red Hook", some of the murderous foreigners are identified as belonging to "the Yezidi clan of devil-worshippers".[50]
In her memoir of her service with an intelligence unit of the U.S. Army's 101st Airborne Division in Iraq during 2003 and 2004,Kayla Williams (2005) records being stationed in northern Iraq near the Syrian border in an area inhabited by "Yezidis". The Yezidis were Kurdish-speaking, but did not consider themselves Kurds, and expressed to Williams a fondness for America and Israel. She was able to learn only a little about the nature of their religion: she thought it very ancient, and concerned with angels. She describes a mountain-top Yezidi shrine as "a small rock building with objects dangling from the ceiling", and alcoves for the placement of offerings. She reports that local Muslims considered the Yezidis to be devil worshippers.
In an October 2006 article in The New Republic, Lawrence F. Kaplan echoes Williams's sentiments about the enthusiasm of the Yazidis for the American occupation of Iraq, in part because the Americans protect them from oppression by militant Muslims and the nearby Kurds. Kaplan notes that the peace and calm of Sinjar is virtually unique in Iraq: "Parents and children line the streets when U.S. patrols pass by, while Yazidi clerics pray for the welfare of U.S. forces."[51]
A fictional Yazidi character of note is the super-powered police officer King Peacock of the Top 10 series (and related comics).[52] He is portrayed as a kind, peaceful character with a broad knowledge of religion and mythology. He is depicted as conservative, ethical, and highly principled in family life. An incredibly powerful martial artist, he is able to destroy matter, a power that he claims is derived from communicating with Malek Ta'us.
The Yazidi play a significant role in the thriller Genesis Secret, by Tom Knox, which was an international bestseller in 2006, published in 23 languages. In the book the Yazidi are portrayed as ancient guardians of the megalithic site, Gobekli Tepe, in Kurdish Turkey.
Tony Lagouranis comments on a Yazidi prisoner in his book Fear Up Harsh: An Army Interrogator's Dark Journey through Iraq:
There's a lot of mystery surrounding the Yazidi, and a lot of contradictory information. But I was drawn to this aspect of their beliefs: Yazidi don't have a Satan. Malak Ta'us, an archangel, God's favorite, was not thrown out of heaven the way Satan was. Instead, he descended, saw the suffering and pain of the world, and cried. His tears, thousands of years' worth, fell on the fires of hell, extinguishing them. If there is evil in the world, it does not come from a fallen angel or from the fires of hell. The evil in this world is man-made. Nevertheless, humans can, like Malak Ta'us, live in this world but still be good.[53]
See also[edit]
References[edit]
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Allison, Christine (2004-02-20)."Yazidis i: General". Encyclopædia Iranica. Retrieved August 20, 2010. "There are probably some 200,000-300,000 Yazidis worldwide."
- ^ "Yezidi". Adherents.com. Retrieved 2008-03-31. Cites estimates between 100,000 and 700,000.
- ^ "Deadly Iraq sect attacks kill 200". BBC News. 2007-08-15. Retrieved 2008-03-31.
- ^ Iraq Yezidis: A Religious and Ethnic Minority Group Faces Repression and Assimilation By Christian Peacemaker Teams in Iraq (25 September 2005)
- ^ a b c d e f g h Megalommatis, Muhammad Shamsaddin (February 28, 2010). "Dispersion of the Yazidi Nation in Syria, Turkey, Armenia, Georgia and Europe: Call for UN Action". American Chronicle. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ "Yazidi in Syria Between acceptance and marginalization". KurdWatch. kurdwatch.org. p. 4. Retrieved 1 April 2014.
- ^ Andrea Glioti (18 October 2013). "Yazidis Benefit From Kurdish Gains in Northeast Syria". al-monitor. Retrieved 1 April 2014.
- ^ a b "Всероссийская перепись населения 2010 г. Национальный состав населения Российской Федерации". Demoscope. Demoscope. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
- ^ 2011 Armenian census
- ^http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/92/Georgia_Census_2002-_Ethnic_group_by_major_administrative-territorial_units.pdf
- ^ Palmer, Michael D.; Burgess, Stanley M. (2012-03-12).The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 405.ISBN 9781444355369. Retrieved 25 February 2014.
- ^ Reeves, Bob (2007-02-28). "Lincoln Iraqis call for protection from terrorism". Lincoln Journal Star. Retrieved 2007-02-28.
- ^ The Devil worshippers, of Iraq. "The Devil worshippers of Iraq". The Telegraph. Retrieved 7 July 2014.
- ^ Federal Research Division. Syria. "Chapter 5: Religious Life". Library of Congress Country Studies. Accessed August 20, 2010.
- ^ Commins, David Dean (2004). Historical Dictionary of Syria. Scarecrow Press. p. 282. ISBN 0-8108-4934-8. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ Armenia entry at The World Factbook 1.3% of 2,971,650 (July 2007 est.) = 38631.45.
- ^ "At least 20 killed in Iraq blast". CNN.com International. August 13, 2009. Retrieved August 13, 2009.
- ^ http://gulfnews.com/news/region/iraq/isil-militants-execute-dozens-from-yazidi-minority-1.1367034
- ^ "Iraqi Yazidis: 'If we move they will kill us'". Al Jazeera. August 5, 2014. Retrieved August 8, 2014.
- ^ "Obama authorises Iraq air strikes on Islamist fighters". BBC World News. August 8, 2014. Retrieved August 8, 2014.
- ^ a b c d Encyclopaedia Iranica:Yazidis
- ^ Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Oral Tradition by Eszter Spät. Ch. 9 "The Origin Myth of the Yezidis" section "The Myth of Shehid Bin Jer" (page 347)
- ^ Yazidis celebrate New Year in Iraq, Al Jazeera(YouTube), 28 April 2012. Retrieved Dec 2012.
- ^ Joseph 1919, p. 119
- ^ Joseph 1919, p. 120
- ^ a b Joseph 1919, p. 121
- ^ a b c d Kjeilen, Tore. "Yazidism". Encyclopaedia. LookLex. Retrieved 2008-03-31. "Malak Taus filled 7 jars of tears through 7,000 years. His tears were used to extinguish the fire in hell. Therefore, there is no hell in Yazidism."
- ^ a b Islam: Satan, sin, and repentance at Encyclopædia Britannica
- ^ "Yezidi Reformer: Sheikh Adi". The Truth about the Yezidis. YezidiTruth.org, A Humanitarian Organization, Sedona, Arizona.
- ^ "Who, What, Why: Who are the Yazidis?". BBC World News. Retrieved 2014-08-08.
- ^ Background: the Yezidi
- ^ International Newsagency (AINA), Iraqi Yazidi MP: We Are Being Butchered Under the Banner of 'There is No God But Allah' , 06.08.2014
- ^ Salih, 'Islamic Extremists Pose New Risks for Religious Minorities in Iraq', New York Times (24.06.2014)
- ^ a b c d "Yezidi Religious Tradition". The Truth about the Yezidis. YezidiTruth.org, A Humanitarian Organization, Sedona, Arizona.
- ^ MacFarquhar, Neill (2003-01-03). "Bashiqa Journal: A Sect Shuns Lettuce and Gives the Devil His Due". The New York Times. Retrieved 2008-03-31. "Yazidis pray three times a day, at dawn, midday and sunset, facing the direction of the sun each time. 'The sun is very holy to us,' said Walid Abu Khudur, the stocky, bearded guardian of the temple built in honor of a holy man here. 'It is like the eye of God, so we pray toward it.'... They have adopted Christian rituals like baptism and a smattering of practices from Islam ranging from circumcision to removal of their shoes inside their temples. The importance of fire as a divine manifestation comes from Zoroastrianism, the ancient Iranian faith that forms the core of Yazidi beliefs. Indeed their very name is likely taken from an old Persian word for angel."
- ^ Hedges, Chris (1993-05-31). "Sheik Adi Journal: Satan's Alive and Well, but the Sect May Be Dying". The New York Times. Retrieved 2007-07-21. "The Yazidis, who are part of Iraq's Yezidi minority, had 100 of 150 villages demolished during the counterinsurgency operation against the Kurdish rebel movement that reached its peak in 1988. The campaign, which moved hundreds of thousands of people to collective villages, saw 4,000 Yezidi villages dynamited into rubble. ... The sect follows the teachings of Sheik Adi, a holy man who died in 1162, and whose crypt lies in the shrine in the Lalish Valley, about 15 miles east of Mosul. The shrine's graceful, fluted spires poke above the trees and dominate the fertile valley. ... Like Zoroastrians they venerate fire, the sun and the mulberry tree. They believe in the transmigration of souls, often into animals. The sect does not accept converts and banishes anyone who marries outside the faith. Yazidis are forbidden to disclose most of their rituals and beliefs to nonbelievers."
- ^ "Richness of Iraq's minority religions revealed" from theBBC
- ^ Lattimer, Mark (2007-12-13) "Freedom Lost", The Guardian, London.
- ^ Allison, Christine (2001). The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraq. Psychology Press. p. 40. ISBN 0-7007-1397-2. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ Commins, David Dean. Historical Dictionary of Syria. Scarecrow Press. p. 282. ISBN 0-8108-4934-8.
- ^ Ghareeb, Edmund A. (2004). Historical Dictionary of Iraq. Scarecrow Press. p. 248. ISBN 0-8108-4330-7.
- ^ Edmonds, C.J. (1967). A Pilgrimage To Lalish. Routledge. p. 60. ISBN 0-947593-28-4.
- ^ Hastings, James (2003). Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics Part 18. Kessinger. p. 769. ISBN 0-7661-3695-7.
- ^ a b c d Loveday Morris. "Islamic State seizes town of Sinjar, pushing out Kurds and sending Yazidis fleeing". The Washington Post.
- ^ Bram Janssen & Sameer N. Yacoub (August 4, 2014)."Iraq Air Force to Back Kurds Fighting Islamists". Associated Press.
- ^ "The Role of the Father - Honor Killing Verdict Has Prosecutors Wanting More (English)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-24. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
- ^ "Yezidis". Encyclopedic Theosophical Glossary. Theosophical University Press. 1999.
- ^ Shah, Idries (1964). The Sufis. Anchor Doubleday. pp. 437–438. ISBN 0-385-07966-4.
- ^ Seabrook, W.B., Adventures in Arabia, Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1927.
- ^ Lovecraft, H.P., The Complete Fiction, Barnes & Noble, 2008. ISBN 978-1-4351-2296-3
- ^ Kaplan, Lawrence F. (2007-10-31). "Sinjar Diarist: Devil's Advocates". The New Republic 235 (4790): 34. Not accessible: original. Cited at PDPBR for October 31-November 1.
- ^ Moore, Alan and Ha, Gene (1999–2000) Top Ten issues 1-12,
- ^ Lagouranis, Tony (2007). Fear Up Harsh: An Army Interrogator's Dark Journey through Iraq. New American Library. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-451-22112-4.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Allison, Christine (2004-02-20)."Yazidis i: General". Encyclopædia Iranica. Retrieved August 20, 2010. "There are probably some 200,000-300,000 Yazidis worldwide."
- ^ "Yezidi". Adherents.com. Retrieved 2008-03-31. Cites estimates between 100,000 and 700,000.
- ^ "Deadly Iraq sect attacks kill 200". BBC News. 2007-08-15. Retrieved 2008-03-31.
- ^ Iraq Yezidis: A Religious and Ethnic Minority Group Faces Repression and Assimilation By Christian Peacemaker Teams in Iraq (25 September 2005)
- ^ a b c d e f g h Megalommatis, Muhammad Shamsaddin (February 28, 2010). "Dispersion of the Yazidi Nation in Syria, Turkey, Armenia, Georgia and Europe: Call for UN Action". American Chronicle. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ "Yazidi in Syria Between acceptance and marginalization". KurdWatch. kurdwatch.org. p. 4. Retrieved 1 April 2014.
- ^ Andrea Glioti (18 October 2013). "Yazidis Benefit From Kurdish Gains in Northeast Syria". al-monitor. Retrieved 1 April 2014.
- ^ a b "Всероссийская перепись населения 2010 г. Национальный состав населения Российской Федерации". Demoscope. Demoscope. Retrieved 26 October 2013.
- ^ 2011 Armenian census
- ^http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/92/Georgia_Census_2002-_Ethnic_group_by_major_administrative-territorial_units.pdf
- ^ Palmer, Michael D.; Burgess, Stanley M. (2012-03-12).The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 405.ISBN 9781444355369. Retrieved 25 February 2014.
- ^ Reeves, Bob (2007-02-28). "Lincoln Iraqis call for protection from terrorism". Lincoln Journal Star. Retrieved 2007-02-28.
- ^ The Devil worshippers, of Iraq. "The Devil worshippers of Iraq". The Telegraph. Retrieved 7 July 2014.
- ^ Federal Research Division. Syria. "Chapter 5: Religious Life". Library of Congress Country Studies. Accessed August 20, 2010.
- ^ Commins, David Dean (2004). Historical Dictionary of Syria. Scarecrow Press. p. 282. ISBN 0-8108-4934-8. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ Armenia entry at The World Factbook 1.3% of 2,971,650 (July 2007 est.) = 38631.45.
- ^ "At least 20 killed in Iraq blast". CNN.com International. August 13, 2009. Retrieved August 13, 2009.
- ^ http://gulfnews.com/news/region/iraq/isil-militants-execute-dozens-from-yazidi-minority-1.1367034
- ^ "Iraqi Yazidis: 'If we move they will kill us'". Al Jazeera. August 5, 2014. Retrieved August 8, 2014.
- ^ "Obama authorises Iraq air strikes on Islamist fighters". BBC World News. August 8, 2014. Retrieved August 8, 2014.
- ^ a b c d Encyclopaedia Iranica:Yazidis
- ^ Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Oral Tradition by Eszter Spät. Ch. 9 "The Origin Myth of the Yezidis" section "The Myth of Shehid Bin Jer" (page 347)
- ^ Yazidis celebrate New Year in Iraq, Al Jazeera(YouTube), 28 April 2012. Retrieved Dec 2012.
- ^ Joseph 1919, p. 119
- ^ Joseph 1919, p. 120
- ^ a b Joseph 1919, p. 121
- ^ a b c d Kjeilen, Tore. "Yazidism". Encyclopaedia. LookLex. Retrieved 2008-03-31. "Malak Taus filled 7 jars of tears through 7,000 years. His tears were used to extinguish the fire in hell. Therefore, there is no hell in Yazidism."
- ^ a b Islam: Satan, sin, and repentance at Encyclopædia Britannica
- ^ "Yezidi Reformer: Sheikh Adi". The Truth about the Yezidis. YezidiTruth.org, A Humanitarian Organization, Sedona, Arizona.
- ^ "Who, What, Why: Who are the Yazidis?". BBC World News. Retrieved 2014-08-08.
- ^ Background: the Yezidi
- ^ International Newsagency (AINA), Iraqi Yazidi MP: We Are Being Butchered Under the Banner of 'There is No God But Allah' , 06.08.2014
- ^ Salih, 'Islamic Extremists Pose New Risks for Religious Minorities in Iraq', New York Times (24.06.2014)
- ^ a b c d "Yezidi Religious Tradition". The Truth about the Yezidis. YezidiTruth.org, A Humanitarian Organization, Sedona, Arizona.
- ^ MacFarquhar, Neill (2003-01-03). "Bashiqa Journal: A Sect Shuns Lettuce and Gives the Devil His Due". The New York Times. Retrieved 2008-03-31. "Yazidis pray three times a day, at dawn, midday and sunset, facing the direction of the sun each time. 'The sun is very holy to us,' said Walid Abu Khudur, the stocky, bearded guardian of the temple built in honor of a holy man here. 'It is like the eye of God, so we pray toward it.'... They have adopted Christian rituals like baptism and a smattering of practices from Islam ranging from circumcision to removal of their shoes inside their temples. The importance of fire as a divine manifestation comes from Zoroastrianism, the ancient Iranian faith that forms the core of Yazidi beliefs. Indeed their very name is likely taken from an old Persian word for angel."
- ^ Hedges, Chris (1993-05-31). "Sheik Adi Journal: Satan's Alive and Well, but the Sect May Be Dying". The New York Times. Retrieved 2007-07-21. "The Yazidis, who are part of Iraq's Yezidi minority, had 100 of 150 villages demolished during the counterinsurgency operation against the Kurdish rebel movement that reached its peak in 1988. The campaign, which moved hundreds of thousands of people to collective villages, saw 4,000 Yezidi villages dynamited into rubble. ... The sect follows the teachings of Sheik Adi, a holy man who died in 1162, and whose crypt lies in the shrine in the Lalish Valley, about 15 miles east of Mosul. The shrine's graceful, fluted spires poke above the trees and dominate the fertile valley. ... Like Zoroastrians they venerate fire, the sun and the mulberry tree. They believe in the transmigration of souls, often into animals. The sect does not accept converts and banishes anyone who marries outside the faith. Yazidis are forbidden to disclose most of their rituals and beliefs to nonbelievers."
- ^ "Richness of Iraq's minority religions revealed" from theBBC
- ^ Lattimer, Mark (2007-12-13) "Freedom Lost", The Guardian, London.
- ^ Allison, Christine (2001). The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraq. Psychology Press. p. 40. ISBN 0-7007-1397-2. Retrieved August 20, 2010.
- ^ Commins, David Dean. Historical Dictionary of Syria. Scarecrow Press. p. 282. ISBN 0-8108-4934-8.
- ^ Ghareeb, Edmund A. (2004). Historical Dictionary of Iraq. Scarecrow Press. p. 248. ISBN 0-8108-4330-7.
- ^ Edmonds, C.J. (1967). A Pilgrimage To Lalish. Routledge. p. 60. ISBN 0-947593-28-4.
- ^ Hastings, James (2003). Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics Part 18. Kessinger. p. 769. ISBN 0-7661-3695-7.
- ^ a b c d Loveday Morris. "Islamic State seizes town of Sinjar, pushing out Kurds and sending Yazidis fleeing". The Washington Post.
- ^ Bram Janssen & Sameer N. Yacoub (August 4, 2014)."Iraq Air Force to Back Kurds Fighting Islamists". Associated Press.
- ^ "The Role of the Father - Honor Killing Verdict Has Prosecutors Wanting More (English)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-24. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
- ^ "Yezidis". Encyclopedic Theosophical Glossary. Theosophical University Press. 1999.
- ^ Shah, Idries (1964). The Sufis. Anchor Doubleday. pp. 437–438. ISBN 0-385-07966-4.
- ^ Seabrook, W.B., Adventures in Arabia, Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1927.
- ^ Lovecraft, H.P., The Complete Fiction, Barnes & Noble, 2008. ISBN 978-1-4351-2296-3
- ^ Kaplan, Lawrence F. (2007-10-31). "Sinjar Diarist: Devil's Advocates". The New Republic 235 (4790): 34. Not accessible: original. Cited at PDPBR for October 31-November 1.
- ^ Moore, Alan and Ha, Gene (1999–2000) Top Ten issues 1-12,
- ^ Lagouranis, Tony (2007). Fear Up Harsh: An Army Interrogator's Dark Journey through Iraq. New American Library. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-451-22112-4.
Further reading[edit]
- Cumont, Franz. Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism. New York: Dover Publications, 1956, p. 152-153.
- Drower, E.S. [E.S. Stevens]. Peacock Angel. Being Some Account of Votaries of a Secret Cult and their Sanctuaries. London: John Murray, 1941.
- Joseph, I. "Yezidi Texts". The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 1908–1909/XXV, 2, pp. 111–156.
- Kreyenbroek, F.G. "Yezidism - its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition". Texts and Studies in Religion, 62. Lewiston, Queenston and Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995.
- Kurdoev, K.K. "Ob alfavite ezidskikh religioznykh knig" (Report on the alphabet of the Yezidi religious books). Pis'mennye pamiatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. VIII godichnaia nauchnaia sessiia LO IV AN SSSR. Leningrad, 1972, pp. 196–199. In Russian.
- Kurdoev, K.K. "Ob avtorstve i iazyke religioznykh knig kurdov XI–XII vv. predvaritel'noe soobshchenie" (Preliminary report on the Yezidi religious books of the eleventh-twelfth centuries: their author and language). VII godichnaia nauchnaia sessiia LO IV AN SSSR. Leningrad, 1971, pp. 22–24. In Russian.
- Marie, A. 1911. "La découverte récente des deux livres sacrés des Yêzîdis". Anthropos, 1911/VI, 1. pp. 1–39.
- Menzel, Th. "Yazidi, Yazidiya" in Encyclopaedia of Islam.
- Omarkhali, Kh. "Yezidizm. Iz glubini tisyachaletiy" (Yezidism. From the early millennia). Sankt Peterburg, 2005. In Russian.
- Omarkhali, Kh. "Yezidism: Society, Symbol, Observance". Istanbul, 2007. In Kurdish.
- Reshid, T. Yezidism: historical roots, International Journal of Yezidi Studies, January 2005.
- Reshid, R., Etnokonfessionalnaya situasiya v sovremennom Kurdistane. Moskva-Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka, 2004, p. 16. In Russian.
- Rodziewicz, A., Yezidi Eros. Love as The Cosmogonic Factor and Distinctive Feature of The Yezidi Theology in The Light of Some Ancient Cosmogonies, Fritillaria Kurdica, 2014/3,41, pp. 42–105.
- Rodziewicz, A., Tawus Protogonos: Parallels between the Yezidi Theology and Some Ancient Greek Cosmogonies,Iran and the Caucasus, 2014/18,1, pp. 27–45.
- Wahbi, T., Dînî Caranî Kurd, Gelawej Journal, N 11-12, Baghdad, 1940, pp. 51–52. In Kurdish.
- Williams, Kayla, and Michael E. Staub. 2005. Love My Rifle More Than You. W.W. Norton, New York. ISBN 0-393-06098-5
- Ph.G. Kreyenbroek in collaboration with Z. Kartal, Kh. Omarkhali, and Kh.J. Rashow. Yezidism in Europe: Different Generations Speak about their Religion. Wiesbaden, 2009.
- Omarkhali Khanna in collaboration with Kovan Khanki. A method of the analysis of the Yezidi Qewls: On the example of the religious hymn of Omar Khala and Hesin Chineri. Avesta, Istanbul, 2009.
- Salman H Haji, Pharmacist, Lincoln NE US
- Cumont, Franz. Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism. New York: Dover Publications, 1956, p. 152-153.
- Drower, E.S. [E.S. Stevens]. Peacock Angel. Being Some Account of Votaries of a Secret Cult and their Sanctuaries. London: John Murray, 1941.
- Joseph, I. "Yezidi Texts". The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, 1908–1909/XXV, 2, pp. 111–156.
- Kreyenbroek, F.G. "Yezidism - its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition". Texts and Studies in Religion, 62. Lewiston, Queenston and Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press, 1995.
- Kurdoev, K.K. "Ob alfavite ezidskikh religioznykh knig" (Report on the alphabet of the Yezidi religious books). Pis'mennye pamiatniki i problemy istorii kul'tury narodov Vostoka. VIII godichnaia nauchnaia sessiia LO IV AN SSSR. Leningrad, 1972, pp. 196–199. In Russian.
- Kurdoev, K.K. "Ob avtorstve i iazyke religioznykh knig kurdov XI–XII vv. predvaritel'noe soobshchenie" (Preliminary report on the Yezidi religious books of the eleventh-twelfth centuries: their author and language). VII godichnaia nauchnaia sessiia LO IV AN SSSR. Leningrad, 1971, pp. 22–24. In Russian.
- Marie, A. 1911. "La découverte récente des deux livres sacrés des Yêzîdis". Anthropos, 1911/VI, 1. pp. 1–39.
- Menzel, Th. "Yazidi, Yazidiya" in Encyclopaedia of Islam.
- Omarkhali, Kh. "Yezidizm. Iz glubini tisyachaletiy" (Yezidism. From the early millennia). Sankt Peterburg, 2005. In Russian.
- Omarkhali, Kh. "Yezidism: Society, Symbol, Observance". Istanbul, 2007. In Kurdish.
- Reshid, T. Yezidism: historical roots, International Journal of Yezidi Studies, January 2005.
- Reshid, R., Etnokonfessionalnaya situasiya v sovremennom Kurdistane. Moskva-Sankt-Peterburg: Nauka, 2004, p. 16. In Russian.
- Rodziewicz, A., Yezidi Eros. Love as The Cosmogonic Factor and Distinctive Feature of The Yezidi Theology in The Light of Some Ancient Cosmogonies, Fritillaria Kurdica, 2014/3,41, pp. 42–105.
- Rodziewicz, A., Tawus Protogonos: Parallels between the Yezidi Theology and Some Ancient Greek Cosmogonies,Iran and the Caucasus, 2014/18,1, pp. 27–45.
- Wahbi, T., Dînî Caranî Kurd, Gelawej Journal, N 11-12, Baghdad, 1940, pp. 51–52. In Kurdish.
- Williams, Kayla, and Michael E. Staub. 2005. Love My Rifle More Than You. W.W. Norton, New York. ISBN 0-393-06098-5
- Ph.G. Kreyenbroek in collaboration with Z. Kartal, Kh. Omarkhali, and Kh.J. Rashow. Yezidism in Europe: Different Generations Speak about their Religion. Wiesbaden, 2009.
- Omarkhali Khanna in collaboration with Kovan Khanki. A method of the analysis of the Yezidi Qewls: On the example of the religious hymn of Omar Khala and Hesin Chineri. Avesta, Istanbul, 2009.
- Salman H Haji, Pharmacist, Lincoln NE US
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Yazidism.
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
- "Who, What, Why: Who are the Yazidis?" BBC News Magazine Monitor, 7 August 2014
- Les Ezidis de France
- Der Jesidismus ein Beispiel für religiösen Synkretismus
- An Inquiry into the Religious Tenets of the Yezeedees by George Percy Badger(1852).
- Devil Worship: The Sacred Books and Traditions of the Yezidiz by Isya Joseph (1919).
- Fritillaria Kurdica free issue of bulletin devoted to Yezidis (2014).
- Yezidism: Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition by Philip G. Kreyenbroek (1995). ISBN 0-7734-9004-3.
- Shaikh 'Adi, Sufism and the Kurds, by Dr. Zourab Aloian.
- "Al-Hallaj in Yezidi Tradition", essay on al-Hallaj, presented by Dr. Zorab Aloian at the 35th International Congress of Asian and North African Studies, Budapest (July 1997).
- "Being Yezidi", on Yezidi identity politics in Armenia, by Onnik Krikorian, first published by Transitions Online (2004).
- Lost in Translation, interviews with Yazidi by Michael Yon in Yezdinar Village, Iraq (June 6, 2005).
- The Beginning of the Universe, photos and a description of Yezidi life in Lalish, Iraq, by Michael J. Totten (February 22, 2006).
- "Armenia: Yezidi Identity Battle" by Onnik Krikorian, in Yerevan, Institute for War & Peace Reporting (2 November 2006).
- Yazidi and Yazdani
- Yezidi Web (via the Wayback Machine)
- "[1]", Alternative Religions profile at About.com.
- Rubin, Alissa J. (2007-10-14). "Persecuted Sect in Iraq Avoids Its Shrine". The New York Times. Retrieved 2009-08-04.
- "Murder of Yezidi woman - Arzu Ö.'s brother faces life in prison (German)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-16. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
- "The Role of the Father - Honor Killing Verdict Has Prosecutors Wanting More (English)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-24. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
[show]
Yazdânism is a neologism (derived from Kurdish yazdān "worthy of worship", a cognate of Avestan Yazata[citation needed]) introduced by Mehrdad Izady in 1992 to denote a group of native Kurdish monotheistic religions: Yazidi, Yâresân, andChinarism/Ishikism (Ishik Alevism).[1]
Izady claims that the Yazdâni faiths were the primary religion of the inhabitants of the Zagros Mountains, including Kurds, until their progressive Islamization in the 10th century.[citation needed] The three traditions subsumed under the term Yazdânism are primarily practiced in relatively isolated communities, fromKhurasan to Anatolia and southern Iran.
Mehrdad Izady however fails to support his claims with any sources. But one of the few existing sources, that do mention the Yazdânis, is the Dabestân-e Madâheb, which was written between 1645 and 1658. According to this source, the Yazdânians who were also called Sipâsîâns, were primarily Persians as they are mentioned in the section regarding the "Parsian". The anonymous author of the source gives an account of their beliefs, which clearly proves, that Yazdânism did neither have any geographical, ethnical nor doctrinal similarities with the Alevis, Ahl-e Haqq and the Yazidis. [2] And the fact that these Yazdânians existed at the same time as the Alevis, Ahl-e Haqq and the Yazidis, makes Izady's theory impossible.
| Wikimedia Commons has media related to Yazidism. |
| Wikisource has original text related to this article: |
- "Who, What, Why: Who are the Yazidis?" BBC News Magazine Monitor, 7 August 2014
- Les Ezidis de France
- Der Jesidismus ein Beispiel für religiösen Synkretismus
- An Inquiry into the Religious Tenets of the Yezeedees by George Percy Badger(1852).
- Devil Worship: The Sacred Books and Traditions of the Yezidiz by Isya Joseph (1919).
- Fritillaria Kurdica free issue of bulletin devoted to Yezidis (2014).
- Yezidism: Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition by Philip G. Kreyenbroek (1995). ISBN 0-7734-9004-3.
- Shaikh 'Adi, Sufism and the Kurds, by Dr. Zourab Aloian.
- "Al-Hallaj in Yezidi Tradition", essay on al-Hallaj, presented by Dr. Zorab Aloian at the 35th International Congress of Asian and North African Studies, Budapest (July 1997).
- "Being Yezidi", on Yezidi identity politics in Armenia, by Onnik Krikorian, first published by Transitions Online (2004).
- Lost in Translation, interviews with Yazidi by Michael Yon in Yezdinar Village, Iraq (June 6, 2005).
- The Beginning of the Universe, photos and a description of Yezidi life in Lalish, Iraq, by Michael J. Totten (February 22, 2006).
- "Armenia: Yezidi Identity Battle" by Onnik Krikorian, in Yerevan, Institute for War & Peace Reporting (2 November 2006).
- Yazidi and Yazdani
- Yezidi Web (via the Wayback Machine)
- "[1]", Alternative Religions profile at About.com.
- Rubin, Alissa J. (2007-10-14). "Persecuted Sect in Iraq Avoids Its Shrine". The New York Times. Retrieved 2009-08-04.
- "Murder of Yezidi woman - Arzu Ö.'s brother faces life in prison (German)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-16. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
- "The Role of the Father - Honor Killing Verdict Has Prosecutors Wanting More (English)". Spiegel Online. 2012-05-24. Retrieved 2012-05-27.
| ||
Yazdânism is a neologism (derived from Kurdish yazdān "worthy of worship", a cognate of Avestan Yazata[citation needed]) introduced by Mehrdad Izady in 1992 to denote a group of native Kurdish monotheistic religions: Yazidi, Yâresân, andChinarism/Ishikism (Ishik Alevism).[1]
Izady claims that the Yazdâni faiths were the primary religion of the inhabitants of the Zagros Mountains, including Kurds, until their progressive Islamization in the 10th century.[citation needed] The three traditions subsumed under the term Yazdânism are primarily practiced in relatively isolated communities, fromKhurasan to Anatolia and southern Iran.
Mehrdad Izady however fails to support his claims with any sources. But one of the few existing sources, that do mention the Yazdânis, is the Dabestân-e Madâheb, which was written between 1645 and 1658. According to this source, the Yazdânians who were also called Sipâsîâns, were primarily Persians as they are mentioned in the section regarding the "Parsian". The anonymous author of the source gives an account of their beliefs, which clearly proves, that Yazdânism did neither have any geographical, ethnical nor doctrinal similarities with the Alevis, Ahl-e Haqq and the Yazidis. [2] And the fact that these Yazdânians existed at the same time as the Alevis, Ahl-e Haqq and the Yazidis, makes Izady's theory impossible.
Contents
Principal beliefs[edit]
Yazdânism believes in the cyclic nature of the world with reincarnation of deity and people being a common feature, traversing incarnation of the soul of a man into human form or an animal or even a plant. There are seven cycles to the life of this universe. Six of these have already happened, while the seventh one is to yet unfold. In each cycle, there is a set of six reincarnated persons (one female, five male) who will herald the new cycle and preside over it (the seventh one in the set being the ever-lasting, the ever-present Almighty). The reincarnation of the deity could be in one of the three forms: a "reflection incarnation", a "guest incarnation", or the highest form, an "embodiment incarnation". Jesus, Ali and the three leaders of the three primary branches of Yazdânism are all embodiment incarnations, meaning Godhead actually born in a human body, not different from the Christian belief in the divine birth of Jesus as "God the Son."[3]
The principal feature of the Yazdani faiths is the belief in seven benevolent divine beings that defend the world from an equal number of malign entities. While this concept exist in its purest form in Yârsânism and Yazidism, it evolves into "seven saints"/spiritual persons, which are called "Yedi Ulu Ozan" in Chinarism (Ishik Alevism).[1] Another important feature of the religions is a doctrine of reincarnation. The belief in reincarnation has been documented among the Nusayri (Shamsi Alawites)as well.[1]
Yazdânis do not maintain any of the requisite five pillars of Islam; nor do they have mosques or frequent them. The Quran to them is as respectable as is the Bible, and yet each denomination of this religion has its own scriptures that the adherents hold in a higher esteem than any one of the former or others.[4]
Yazdânism believes in the cyclic nature of the world with reincarnation of deity and people being a common feature, traversing incarnation of the soul of a man into human form or an animal or even a plant. There are seven cycles to the life of this universe. Six of these have already happened, while the seventh one is to yet unfold. In each cycle, there is a set of six reincarnated persons (one female, five male) who will herald the new cycle and preside over it (the seventh one in the set being the ever-lasting, the ever-present Almighty). The reincarnation of the deity could be in one of the three forms: a "reflection incarnation", a "guest incarnation", or the highest form, an "embodiment incarnation". Jesus, Ali and the three leaders of the three primary branches of Yazdânism are all embodiment incarnations, meaning Godhead actually born in a human body, not different from the Christian belief in the divine birth of Jesus as "God the Son."[3]
The principal feature of the Yazdani faiths is the belief in seven benevolent divine beings that defend the world from an equal number of malign entities. While this concept exist in its purest form in Yârsânism and Yazidism, it evolves into "seven saints"/spiritual persons, which are called "Yedi Ulu Ozan" in Chinarism (Ishik Alevism).[1] Another important feature of the religions is a doctrine of reincarnation. The belief in reincarnation has been documented among the Nusayri (Shamsi Alawites)as well.[1]
Yazdânis do not maintain any of the requisite five pillars of Islam; nor do they have mosques or frequent them. The Quran to them is as respectable as is the Bible, and yet each denomination of this religion has its own scriptures that the adherents hold in a higher esteem than any one of the former or others.[4]
Ahl-e Haqq[edit]
Main articles: Sultan Sahak and Yâresân
From the Ahl-e Haqq point of view, the universe is composed of two distinct yet interrelated worlds: the internal (batini) and the external (zahiri), each having its own order and rules. Although humans are only aware of the outer world, their lives are governed according to the rules of the inner world. Among other important pillars of their belief system are that the Divine Essence has successive manifestations in human form (mazhariyyat, derived from zahir) and the belief in transmigration of the soul (or dunaduni in Kurdish). The Ahl-e Haqq do not observe Muslim rites and rituals.[5]
The term haqq (as in Ahl-e Haqq) is often misrepresented and misinterpreted as the Arabic term for "Truth". Instead, its true meaning is clearly explained by the contemporary Avatar of the Spirit in the Ahl-e Haqq/Yâresân branch of the religion - Nur Ali Elahi (died 1975) - as being "distinct from the Arabic term and in fact, should be written as "Hâq" ("Hâq-i wâqi'") instead of "Haqq" and should be understood to be different in meaning, connotation and essence."[6]
Main articles: Sultan Sahak and Yâresân
From the Ahl-e Haqq point of view, the universe is composed of two distinct yet interrelated worlds: the internal (batini) and the external (zahiri), each having its own order and rules. Although humans are only aware of the outer world, their lives are governed according to the rules of the inner world. Among other important pillars of their belief system are that the Divine Essence has successive manifestations in human form (mazhariyyat, derived from zahir) and the belief in transmigration of the soul (or dunaduni in Kurdish). The Ahl-e Haqq do not observe Muslim rites and rituals.[5]
The term haqq (as in Ahl-e Haqq) is often misrepresented and misinterpreted as the Arabic term for "Truth". Instead, its true meaning is clearly explained by the contemporary Avatar of the Spirit in the Ahl-e Haqq/Yâresân branch of the religion - Nur Ali Elahi (died 1975) - as being "distinct from the Arabic term and in fact, should be written as "Hâq" ("Hâq-i wâqi'") instead of "Haqq" and should be understood to be different in meaning, connotation and essence."[6]
Goran Kurds[edit]
Main articles: Goran Kurds and Kurdish people
There are also large communities of people of Ahl-e Haqq in some regions of Iranian Azerbaijan. The town of Ilkhichi (İlxıçı), which is located 87 km south west of Tabriz is almost entirely populated by Yâresânis.[citation needed] For political reasons, one of which was to create a distinct identity for these communities, they have not been called Goran Kurds since the early 20th century.[citation needed] They are called under the various names, such as Ali-Ilahis and Ahl-e Haqq. Groups with similar beliefs also exist in Iranian Kurdistan. Interestingly, both the Dersim (Zazaki / Zaza) people and the Gorani, who are both considered to belong to the Hawramani branch of the North West Iranian languages, adhere to a form of "Kurdish Alawi faith" which resembles the religions of the Druze or Yazidi.[citation needed]
Main articles: Goran Kurds and Kurdish people
There are also large communities of people of Ahl-e Haqq in some regions of Iranian Azerbaijan. The town of Ilkhichi (İlxıçı), which is located 87 km south west of Tabriz is almost entirely populated by Yâresânis.[citation needed] For political reasons, one of which was to create a distinct identity for these communities, they have not been called Goran Kurds since the early 20th century.[citation needed] They are called under the various names, such as Ali-Ilahis and Ahl-e Haqq. Groups with similar beliefs also exist in Iranian Kurdistan. Interestingly, both the Dersim (Zazaki / Zaza) people and the Gorani, who are both considered to belong to the Hawramani branch of the North West Iranian languages, adhere to a form of "Kurdish Alawi faith" which resembles the religions of the Druze or Yazidi.[citation needed]
Yazidism[edit]
Main articles: Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir and Yazidis
Yazidis, who have much in common with the followers of Ahl-e Haqq (in western Iran[citation needed]), state that the world created by God was at first a pearl. It remained in this very small and enclosed state for some time (often a magic number such as forty or forty thousand years) before being remade in its current state. During this period the Heptad were called into existence, God made a covenant with them and entrusted the world to them. Besides Tawûsê Melek, members of the Heptad (the Seven), who were called into existence by God at the beginning of all things, include Sheikh ‘Adī ibn Musāfir al-Umawī (Şêx Adî), his companion Şêx Hasan and a group known as the Four Mysteries: Shamsadin, Fakhradin, Sajadin and Naserdin.
Main articles: Sheikh Adi ibn Musafir and Yazidis
Yazidis, who have much in common with the followers of Ahl-e Haqq (in western Iran[citation needed]), state that the world created by God was at first a pearl. It remained in this very small and enclosed state for some time (often a magic number such as forty or forty thousand years) before being remade in its current state. During this period the Heptad were called into existence, God made a covenant with them and entrusted the world to them. Besides Tawûsê Melek, members of the Heptad (the Seven), who were called into existence by God at the beginning of all things, include Sheikh ‘Adī ibn Musāfir al-Umawī (Şêx Adî), his companion Şêx Hasan and a group known as the Four Mysteries: Shamsadin, Fakhradin, Sajadin and Naserdin.
Adherents[edit]
The adherents of Chinarism/Ishikism (Ishik Alevism), Yârsânism and Yazidism are estimated to constitute about one-third of the Kurds.[citation needed] The main body of the followers of Chinarism/Ishikism, however, are the Anatolian Turkmens and Turks, while in Syria, Lebanon and Israel, they are Arabs. In Iran, the followers of the Yârsân can be as often the Azeris, Persians, andMazandaranis as Kurds.[citation needed]
The adherents of these faiths were referred to as the Sabians of Harran (of Carrhae) in Maimonides Guide for the Perplexed.[citation needed] The Sabians are also mentioned in the Qur'an and in Bahá'í writings.
The distribution of these three beliefs follows geographic boundaries:
- The Ishik Alevis may be found in central and eastern Turkey and northwestern Syria.
- The Yârsâni or Ahl-e Haqq are located in the eastern (and northeastern) part of Iraq and in western Iran.
- The Yazidis come from the Turkish-Iraqi border region, and many of them reside in Armenia.
Mutual exchange and contacts between these branches are infrequent.[citation needed]
The adherents of Chinarism/Ishikism (Ishik Alevism), Yârsânism and Yazidism are estimated to constitute about one-third of the Kurds.[citation needed] The main body of the followers of Chinarism/Ishikism, however, are the Anatolian Turkmens and Turks, while in Syria, Lebanon and Israel, they are Arabs. In Iran, the followers of the Yârsân can be as often the Azeris, Persians, andMazandaranis as Kurds.[citation needed]
The adherents of these faiths were referred to as the Sabians of Harran (of Carrhae) in Maimonides Guide for the Perplexed.[citation needed] The Sabians are also mentioned in the Qur'an and in Bahá'í writings.
The distribution of these three beliefs follows geographic boundaries:
- The Ishik Alevis may be found in central and eastern Turkey and northwestern Syria.
- The Yârsâni or Ahl-e Haqq are located in the eastern (and northeastern) part of Iraq and in western Iran.
- The Yazidis come from the Turkish-Iraqi border region, and many of them reside in Armenia.
Mutual exchange and contacts between these branches are infrequent.[citation needed]
Criticism[edit]
Izady proposes the term as denoting a belief system which "predates Islam by millennia" which is in its character "Aryan" rather than "Semitic".[7]
Many Kurds insist that they are in fact Muslim[citation needed], in spite of being classified as "Yazdanist" by Izady.[8] But Izady, of course, does not suggest that the 'Muslim' Kurds are Yazdanis, rather that Yazdani Kurds are not Muslim, and would identify themselves as such only to avoid harm and discrimination. (Izady 1992, 172, passim)
The concept of Yazdanism is thus a product of Kurdish ethnic nationalism[citation needed] rather than a religious self-designation, and the validity of the term is not recognized by other authors[citation needed]. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, evaluating Izady's work, states:
The most notable case is that of Izady (1992) who, in his eagerness to distance the Ahl-e Haqq from Islam and to give it a purely Kurdish pedigree, asserts their independence from Islam. He fails, however, to produce any evidence at all in support of his theory, and some of his assertions can only be called preposterous.
Izady proposes the term as denoting a belief system which "predates Islam by millennia" which is in its character "Aryan" rather than "Semitic".[7]
Many Kurds insist that they are in fact Muslim[citation needed], in spite of being classified as "Yazdanist" by Izady.[8] But Izady, of course, does not suggest that the 'Muslim' Kurds are Yazdanis, rather that Yazdani Kurds are not Muslim, and would identify themselves as such only to avoid harm and discrimination. (Izady 1992, 172, passim)
The concept of Yazdanism is thus a product of Kurdish ethnic nationalism[citation needed] rather than a religious self-designation, and the validity of the term is not recognized by other authors[citation needed]. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, evaluating Izady's work, states:
- The most notable case is that of Izady (1992) who, in his eagerness to distance the Ahl-e Haqq from Islam and to give it a purely Kurdish pedigree, asserts their independence from Islam. He fails, however, to produce any evidence at all in support of his theory, and some of his assertions can only be called preposterous.
See also[edit]
References[edit]
- ^ a b c Izady, Mehrdad R. (1992), The Kurds : a concise handbook, Washington & London: Taylor & Francis, pp. 170 passim,ISBN 0-8448-1727-9
- ^ Azar Kayvan (1645–1658). "Dabestan-e Madaheb, section 1-2".
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 487
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 1143
- ^ Z. Mir-Hosseini, Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of the Ahl-e Haqq of Kurdistan, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.26, 1994, p.267-268
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 1098
- ^ "a belief system of great antiquity that is fundamentally a non-Semitic religion, with an Aryan superstructure overlaying a religious foundation indigenous to the Zagros. To identify the Cult or any of its denominations as Islamic is simply a mistake born of a lack of knowledge of the religion, which pre-dates Islam by millennia." Izady, Mehrdad R. (1992), The Kurds : a concise handbook, Washington: Taylor & Francis, pp. 172 passim, ISBN 0-8448-1727-9
- ^ See for example, Mir-Hosseini, Ziba (1992), "Kurdish costume", in Kreyenbroek, Philip G.; Allison, Christine, Kurdish culture and identity, London: Zed Books, ISBN 1-85649-330-X
- ^ "A belief system of great antiquity that is fundamentally a non-Semitic religion, with an Aryan superstructure overlaying a religious foundation indigenous to the Zagros. To identify the Cult or any of its denominations as Islamic is simply a mistake born of a lack of knowledge of the religion, which pre-dates Islam by millennia." Mukri, Muhammad. (1966), L'Esotrérism kurde (2nd (20020 ed.), Paris, p. 92
YAZIDISIM
A Heterodox Kurdish Religion
By: CHRISTINE ALLISON
Table of Contents:
Yazidis, a heterodox Kurdish religious minority living predominantly in northern Iraq, Syria and south-east Turkey, with well-established communities in the Caucasus and a growing European diaspora. Anecdotal evidence of the existence of Yazidi groups in North-Western Persia has not yet been proven. There are probably some 200,000-300,000 Yazidis worldwide. The Yazidis have long been the object of fascination among Orientalists, largely due to their erroneous description by outsiders as 'devil-worshippers' (see below). The literature devoted to their religion is disproportionately large, considering how few they are in number by comparison with the large majority of Kurdish Muslims. Their name for themselves is usually, Êzdi, Êzidi, or, in some areas, Dâsini (the last, strictly speaking a tribal name). Some scholars have derived the name Yazidi from Old Iranian yazata (divine being), though the current consensus among Western academics is a derivation from Yazid b. Mo'âwiya, revered by the Yazidis as an incarnation of the divine figure Sultan Êzi. (Kreyenbroek, 1995, p. 3.
The Yazidis' cultural practices are observably Kurdish, and almost all speak Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish), with the exception of the villages of Ba'æiqa and Baházânê in Northern Iraq, where Arabic is spoken. Kurmanji is the language of almost all the orally transmitted religious traditions of the Yazidis. Religious origins are somewhat complex. The religion of the Yazidis is a highly syncretistic one: Sufi influence and imagery can be seen in their religious vocabulary, especially in the terminology of their esoteric literature, but much of the mythology is non-Islamic, and their cosmogonies apparently have many points in common with those of ancient Iranian religions. Early writers attempted to describe Yazidi origins, broadly speaking, in terms of 'Islam', or 'Iranian,' or sometimes even 'pagan' religions; however, publications since the 1990s have shown such an approach to be over-simplistic. The origin of the Yazidi religion is now usually seen by scholars as a complex process of syncretism, whereby the belief-system and practices of a local faith had a profound influence on the religiosity of adherents of the 'Adawiyya sufi order living in the Kurdish mountains, and caused it to deviate from Islamic norms relatively soon after the death of its founder, Shaikh 'Adi b. Mosâfer.
'Adi b. Mosâfer, who was of Omayyad descent, was born c. 1075 CE in the Beka‚a valley. After studying in Baghdad under Abu'l-Khayr Hammâd al-Dabbâs and alongside 'Abd-al-Qâdir al-Jilâni, he settled in the valley of Lâleæ (some thirty-six miles north-east of Mosul) in the early 12th century. Groups who venerated Yazid b. Mo'âwiya and the Omayyads–already known as Yazidis–had existed for some time in the area; beliefs and practices which were apparently part of an ancient Iranian religion were also retained by some of the local tribes. Shaikh 'Adi himself, a figure of undoubted orthodoxy, enjoyed widespread influence; he died in 1162 and his tomb at Lâleæ is a focal point of Yazidi pilgrimage. His name, pronounced Âdi or even Hâdi, passed into Yazidi oral tradition, though full knowledge of his identity was lost within the community. Yazidism grew during the period of Atabeg and Mongol rule. Only two generations later, led by Hasan b. 'Adi, the community had grown large and powerful enough to come into open conflict with the Atabeg of Mosul, who killed Hasan in 1246. At about the same point, it seems, the community began to incur the opprobrium of more orthodox Muslims for its excessive veneration of both Shaikh 'Adi and Yazid b. Mo'âwiya. During the fourteenth century, important Kurdish tribes whose sphere of influence stretched well into what is now Turkey (including, for a period, the rulers of the principality of Jazira) are cited in historical sources as Yazidi. (Guest, p. 45) Muslim leaders clearly perceived Yazidis as a threat; a significant battle took place in 1414, during which Shaikh 'Adi's tomb was razed. After the battle of Ùâlderân (1514; q.v.), Yazidi influence at first remained considerable; a Yazidi was appointed 'emir of the Kurds' by the Ottomans, and, in the 1530s, Yazidi emirs ruled the province of Sorân for a time. The current family of Yazidi mirs (emirs), claiming Omayyad origins, replaced the descendants of Shaikh Hasan in the sixteenth or seventeenth century. However, as time passed, conversions to Islam became increasingly common and Yazidi power declined. By the end of the Ottoman Empire many important tribes and confederations still had sizeable Yazidi sections, and the dynasty of Yazidi mirs remained dominant within a limited geographical area, but Yazidis had suffered enormously from religious persecution. Until 1849, when provision for their protection was made under Ottoman law, they had not had the status of 'People of the Book' (Guest, pp. 103-107; Edmonds, pp. 59-60). In the 19th century complex social and political changes, many related to the Tanzimat reforms, produced an environment of increasing religious intolerance culminating in large-scale massacres of the Christian minorities. The Yazidis, also targets of militant Sunnism, suffered at the hands of Kurdish tribal leaders such as Moháammed Beg of Rowanduz (1832) and Bedir Khan Beg (1840s), as well as Ottoman officials, such as 'Omar Wahbi Pasha (1893; Guest, pp. 96-97, 134-9; Edmonds, p. 60). There was some co-operation between the minorities; Yazidis of Mount Senjâr sheltered Armenians during the massacres of 1915-16. During the nineteenth and early twentieth century many Yazidis fled to Georgia and Armenia. In the second half of the twentieth century, most of Turkey's Yazidis, who still lived in fear of religious persecution, emigrated to Germany, and in the 1990s many of Iraq's Yazidi intelligentsia arrived there, where they play an active role in diaspora affairs, maintaining contact with co-religionists in Iraq and the Caucasus (Guest, pp. 193-203, Ackermann, forthcoming).
The Yazidi heartland is in Northern Iraq. A substantial community known for its conservatism lives on Mount Senjâr some 80km west of Mosul on the border with Syria. A collection of farming villages and small towns lies in the Šaikân area, in the foothills north-east of Mosul; this area is adjacent to the shrine of Lâleæ and contains the home of the mir and the settlements of Ba'æiqa and Baházânê, home of the qawwâls, reciters of sacred texts. In the 20th century both Šaikani and Senjâri communities struggled for religious dominance. In Syria there are also two main groupings, in the Jazira and the Kurd Dâg@ areas (the latter including the Sem'ân and 'Afrin communities). However, these are much smaller, probably totaling only about 15,000. In Turkey some Yazidis still live in the villages of the Tur 'Abdin, south-east of Diyarbakir, remnants of a much more widespread community. The Transcaucasian communities, which once numbered some 60,000, have also declined due to economic and political factors, though accurate statistics remain unavailable. During the 1990s the population in Georgia decreased from some 30,000 to under 5,000, though numbers in Armenia have apparently remained more constant. Diaspora communities have increased correspondingly; most importantly, some 40,000 Yazidis now live in Germany, mainly in the Western provinces of Niedersachsen and Nordrhein-Westfalen. Most are from Turkey, with arrivals during the 1990s from Iraq including some influential figures. This profile may change as the situation in Iraq evolves following the fall of the Saddam regime. A much smaller community exists in the Netherlands. Other groups of Yazidis, in Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and in the USA, Canada and Australia, are extremely small, and probably total well under 5,000.
Many attempts to define the Yazidis' ethnic identity (notably the policies of the Ba'athist government in Iraq, which designated them as Arabs) have been politically motivated. Apart from a few Arabic-speaking clans, Yazidi communities speak Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish) as their first language, and their cultural practices are Kurdish. Most Yazidis claim Kurdish identity; in Iraq, this view has had the support of the government in the Kurdish Autonomous Region since 1991. In the Caucasus however, particularly in Armenia, to be 'Kurdish' is often popularly associated with an Islamic (and thus pro-Azari) identity. Many Caucasian Yazidis, therefore, claim to belong to a separateethnie, though the politicization of the Kurdish question in Turkey and the influence of the PKK have reportedly caused a number in Armenia to redefine themselves as Kurds. In the diaspora, the Yazidis' status as Kurds is not debated so much as their religious origin. In nationalist discourse, the Yazidi religion is seen as the 'original' Kurdish faith, a view that distinguishes the Kurds from Arabs and Turks. It is sometimes inaccurately presented as a form of Zoroastrianism or, spuriously, as a 'Cult of Angels.' In the Caucasus, a hypothesis of Babylonian origins is favored. Such different interpretations of the Yazidis' origins are closely interlinked with expressions of identity, and tend to be explicable in terms of the prevailing political climate.
Contemporary Yazidism is a religion of orthopraxy. Practice, in terms of careful adherence to rules governing all aspects of life, is more important than the role of scriptural text, dogma and professions of personal belief. Two key and interrelated features of Yazidism are: a) a preoccupation with religious purity and b) a belief in metempsychosis. The first of these is expressed in the system of caste, the food laws, the traditional preferences for living in Yazidi communities, and the variety of taboos governing many aspects of life. The second is crucial; Yazidis traditionally believe that the Seven Holy Beings (see below) are periodically reincarnated in human form, called a kâss. Not only does this reinforce the caste system, as the members of the dominant religious castes are the descendants of the most recent manifestations of the Holy Beings in Shaikh 'Adi and his companions, but it also provides a mechanism for syncretism, as figures from other traditions can be said to be earlier manifestations of the kâss. A belief in the reincarnation of lesser Yazidi souls also exists; like the Ahl-e Haqq (q.v.), the Yazidis use the metaphor of a change of garment to describe the process, which they call kirâs gehorrin, 'changing the shirt.' Alongside this, Yazidi mythology also includes descriptions of heaven and hell, and other traditions attempting to reconcile these ideas with the belief-system of reincarnation.
In the Yazidi worldview, God created the world, which is now in the care of a Heptad of seven Holy Beings, often known as 'Angels' or haft serr (the Seven Mysteries.) Pre-eminent among these is Tâ'us-ê Malak or Malak Tâ'us, the Peacock Angel, who is equated with Satan by outsiders. Most Yazidis find this identification highly offensive; however, it is clear that Malak Tâ'us is an ambiguous figure. The Ketêbâ Jelwa 'Book of Illumination" which claims to be the words of Malak Tâ'us, and which presumably represents Yazidi belief (see below), states that he allocates responsibilities, blessings and misfortunes as he sees fit and that it is not for the race of Adam to question him. The Yazidi taboo against the word Š, and on words containing æ and t/t that might (to their ears) recall it, may indicate some perceived connection between this figure and Malak Tâ'us. The reasons for the connection remain unclear. Although some Sufi traditions have presented Satan as a redeemed or holy figure, Shaikh 'Adi b. Mosâfer was apparently orthodox on the matter. However, pre-Islamic Zoroastrian tradition indicates some link between Ahriman and the peacock, and this ambiguity may predate Islam. Yazidi accounts of creation, which have much in common with those of the Ahl-e Haqq (q.v.) state that the world created by God was at first 'a pearl'. It remained in this very small and enclosed state for some time (often a magic number such as forty or forty thousand years) before being remade in its current state; during this period the Heptad were called into existence, God made a covenant with them and entrusted the world to them. It has been suggested, on the evidence of pre-Zoroastrian Iranian cosmogony and its similarity to Yazidi cosmogonies, that if the Yazidis' ancestors venerated a benign demiurge who set the world (in its current state) in motion, the role of this figure may have become ambiguous when they came into contact with Zoroastrians, whose cosmogony was essentially similar, but whose demiurge was Ahriman, who polluted the world. Thus Yazidism would be, not a form of Zoroastrianism, but a religion possessing an Iranian belief-system akin to it.
Besides Malak Tâ'us, members of the Heptad (the Seven), who were called into existence by God at the beginning of all things, include Shaikh 'Âdi, his companion Shaikh Hasan, and a group known as the 'four Mysteries', Šamsadin, Fakradin, Sajâdin and Nâsáerdin. These latter, according to oral tradition, were the sons of an Êzdinâ Mir, whom Shaikh 'Âdi met at Lâleæ. All these figures are eponyms of clans of Âdâni shaikhs (see below); in Yazidi accounts of the cosmogony they tend to have other names, and they are also identified in other incarnations, such as Hasan al-Bâsári as an incarnation of Shaikh Hasan. Not all listings of the Seven are identical; sometimes, for instance, Shaikh 'Âdi himself is identified with Malak Tâ'us, and Shaikh Obakr is added.
The kâss and other holy beings are the focus of frequent veneration. The Heptad, under the names of the families of Shaikh 'Âdi and his companions, are objects of devotion, but so also are numerous lesser figures, also usually eponyms of clans of shaikhs or pirs (see below), who are requested for help on practical matters. Shaikh Mand, for instance, is believed to cure snakebites, and his descendants may handle snakes safely; the family of Pir Jarwân has power over scorpions. A female figure, Khâtuna Fakra, is associated with help in childbirth. Help from such beings may be sought by consultation with their descendants, or by veneration of a sacred site associated with them–occasionally a tomb, but more often a shrine consisting of a room with a spire, a small votive altar, a sacred tree, or a pool or cave. Many people who know little of the higher-status sacred texts make offerings at such places. Some of these cults appear to be very localized, but others are respected by members of other religions, and Yazidis also solicit help from local saints associated with other religions, especially Christianity (Kreyenbroek, 1995, pp. 91-123, 145-68; Drower, pp. 24-29, 51-60).
The holiest Yazidi site is the valley of Lâleæ, site of the tomb of Shaikh 'Âdi. A sacred microcosm of the world, as it were, it contains not only many shrines dedicated to the kâss, but a number of other landmarks corresponding to other sites or symbols of significance in other faiths, including pirrâ selât (SerâtÂÂ Bridge) and a mountain called Mt. 'Arafât. The two sacred springs are called Zamzam and Kâniyâ spi 'The White Spring'. The former rises in a cave below the sanctuary of Shaikh 'Âdi, the heart of the holy place. Water from the springs is mixed with earth from the holy valley to make barât, little molded balls that are taken away and treated with reverence; they play a part in some rites of passage such as marriage and funerary rites. If possible, Yazidis make at least one pilgrimage to Lâleæ during their lifetime, and those living in the region try to attend at least once a year for the autumn 'Feast of the Assembly" (see below). As for Lâleæ, pilgrimages to lesser sites may also be undertaken, to seek intercession, in gratitude for prayers answered, or as a vow.
Formalized prayer is largely a matter of personal preference and is not obligatory. The practice of praying facing the rising, noonday, and setting sun which is described by travelers seems not to have been universal and is now seen as an ideal rather than a norm. Such prayer should be accompanied by certain gestures, including kissing the rounded neck (gerivân) of the sacred shirt (kerâs). Those who wear the girdle–the black resta for certain dignitaries, the white æutik for other Yazidis–say a prayer when putting it on. Prayers have almost exclusively been transmitted orally; their texts have themes in common but vary in details.
Apart from individual rites of passage, such as marriage, baptism, circumcision, and death, Yazidis observe a number of communal festivals, some more widespread than others. The Yazidi New Year falls in Spring (somewhat later than Nowruz). There is some lamentation by women in the cemeteries, to the accompaniment of the music of the qawwâls(see below), but the festival is generally characterized by joyous events: the music of dahol (drum) and zornâ(shawm), communal dancing and meals, the decorating of eggs. Similarly the village tÂewaf (Ar. tÂawâf), a festival held in the spring in honor of the patron of the local shrine, has secular music, dance and meals in addition to the performance of sacred music. Another important festival is the tâwusgerrân (circulation of the peacock) where qawwâls and other religious dignitaries visit Yazidi villages, bringing the senjâq, sacred images representing the peacock and associated with Malak Tâ'us. These are venerated, taxes are collected from the pious, sermons are preached, and holy water distributed. The greatest festival of the year for ordinary Yazidis is the Je‘nâ Jamâ'iya(Feast of the Assembly) at Lâleæ, a seven-day occasion. A focus of widespread pilgrimage, this is an important time for social contact and affirmation of identity. The religious center of the event is the belief in an annual gathering of the Heptad in the holy place at this time; rituals practiced include the sacrifice of a bull at the shrine of Shaikh Šams, the washing of the 'bier of Shaikh 'Âdi,' the practice of samâ' (see below). Other festivals are more likely to be kept by the few than the many. Religious leaders observe forty-day fasts in summer and winter; a three-day winter fast culminating in the celebration of the birth of the kâssÊzid is kept more widely. The Ùêlkân, a tribe originating in the border areas of Turkey and Syria, keep a winter festival called Bâtizmiya. For some Yazidis at least, the kâss have their feast-days. Counterparts to certain Islamic feasts, including ', 'Id al-fetâr, and Laylat al-barâ'a are also observed by some.
The Yazidis' concern with religious purity, and their reluctance to mix elements perceived to be incompatible, is shown not only in their caste system, but also in various taboos affecting everyday life. Some of these, such as those on exogamy or on insulting or offending men of religion, are widely respected. Others, such as the prohibition of eating lettuce or wearing the color blue, are often ignored when men of religion are not present. Others still are less widely known and may be localized. The purity of the four elements, Earth, Air, Fire, and Water, is protected by a number of taboos–against spitting on earth, water, or fire, for instance. These may reflect ancient Iranian preoccupations, as apparently do the taboos concerning bodily refuse, hair, and menstrual blood. Too much contact with non-Yazidis is also polluting; in the past Yazidis avoided military service which would have led them to live among Muslims, and were forbidden to share such items as cups or razors with outsiders. The mixing with others brought about by formal education may be a major reason behind the well-known Yazidi taboo on learning to read and write. In the past, only Shaikhs of the Âdâni lineage group had the right to do so. Certain words are the subject of taboos, such as those dealing with cursing or stoning, or those which are felt to sound like the name Š, whose utterance is an unforgivable insult to Malak Tâ'us, obliging any Yazidi who heard it (in the past at any rate) to slay the speaker. Auditory resemblance may lie behind the taboo against eating lettuce, whose name kâs resembles Kurdish pronunciations of kâss. The taboo against eating pork appears to be a custom which follows Islam rather than a specifically Yazidi edict. Prohibitions are also attested, in certain areas at least, against fish, cockerel, gazelle, and various vegetables including okra, cauliflower, and pumpkin.
A widespread myth about the Yazidis' origin which gives them a distinctive ancestry expresses their feelings of difference from other races. Adam and Eve quarreled about which of them provided the creative element in the begetting of children. Each stored their seed in a jar which was then sealed. When Eve's was opened it was full of insects and other unpleasant creatures, but inside Adam's jar was a beautiful boy-child. This lovely child, known as Š(Šahed, son of Jar) grew up to marry a houri and became the ancestor of the Yazidis.
The Yazidis divide themselves into three endogamous major castes, with religious orders also playing an important role. Most Yazidis belong to the morid (layman; literally 'disciple']) group, which is endogamous, but, within the group, marriage is not restricted. Every morid must have a shaikh and a pir; the lineage of these is determined by the morid's own heredity. The Shaikhs are divided into three endogamous lineage groups, the Šamsâni, Âdâni and Qâtâni, the latter of which also shares its ancestry with the family of the mir. The pirs are divided into four main groups, and forty clans, most of whom may intermarry. Both groups receive alms from their morids. Tithes paid to the Shaikh are more substantial; however, the difference between the two groups lies not in the nature of their religious tasks, but rather in ancestry (the shaikhs apparently associated with non-Kurdish companions or relations of Shaikh 'Âdi, and the pirs with his Kurdish companions). At puberty, each morid should also choose a 'brother' or 'sister of the Hereafter', berâyê or k, normally a Shaikh, who performs certain important rituals at transitional points such as marriage and death.
The Qawwâls or reciters constitute a different class, and come from two clans, the Kurmanji-speaking Dimli and the Arabic-speaking Tazhi, settled in the villages of Ba'æiqa and Beházânê, in the Šaik an area. They specialize in the playing of religious music on sacred instruments, the daf (frame-drum) and æebâb (flute), and in the recital of the sacred hymns or qawls. They also carry out the tâwusgerrân; these were severely curtailed in the twentieth century when crossing international frontiers became more difficult; the Transcaucasian communities in particular were effectively cut off from the Yazidi religious centers.
There are also religious 'orders' whose members may come from different castes. The Faqirs become members of their order by an initiation which was once open to all, but as time has passed have become in effect a hereditary group, with initiation undergone almost exclusively by members of faqir families. They are expected to lead a life of piety and abstinence, by fasting, refraining from drinking and smoking, avoiding any violent behavior. Their clothes, especially their black woolen k or tunic that recalls that of Shaikh 'Âdi, are considered to be sacred, and their persons must not be harmed. Some are very learned in religious lore. The Kochaks are a small non-hereditary group charged with outdoor labor for Shaikh 'Âdi, such as cutting wood and drawing water for the shrine. Some in the past have been clairvoyants, miracle workers and interpreters of dreams; a few have acquired political influence in this way, such as the nineteenth-century Kochak Mirzâ of Mount Senjâr, who predicted the fall of Islam.
There are a number of important offices in the Yazidi hierarchy. The Mir (prince) is both temporal and spiritual head of the community; his person is sacred, and in theory all Yazidis owe him spiritual allegiance. In practice the temporal influence of the family, based in Bâ'drê in Šaikân, has declined since the late 18th century, though it remains a substantial landowner, and is active in Kurdish politics. Members of this family are linked to the Qâtâni Shaikhs. The Prince, along with other dignitaries, is a member of the Yazidi Majlesi Roháâni 'Religious Council'. The Bâbâ Shaikh(Father Shaikh), is the leader of the Shaikhs and must come from the Šamsâni branch. He must lead a pious life; regarded by many as the spiritual leader of the Yazidis, he supervises the Kochaks and many of the ceremonies at Lâleæ cannot take place without his presence. The functions of the Piæ-imâm (Foremost Imam) are less clear; a representative of the Âdâni Shaikhs, he leads certain rituals. The Bâbâ Ùâwuæ, (Father Guardian), guardian of the shrine at Lâleæ, leads a life of piety and celibacy. He lives there permanently and has authority over what happens there; he is assisted by the feqrayyât, (celibate 'nuns') who are unmarried or widowed and also care for the sanctuaries. These are very few in number. Successive families of faqirs living there on a temporary basis also look after the fabric of the shrine and take care of guests.
The institution of karâfat, whereby a relationship of sponsorship is created with a man on whose knees a boy is circumcised, exists among Yazidis as for other groups. This often creates close relationships with other communities; since the family of the child may not intermarry with that of the kariv for seven generations, the karivhimself is usually not a Yazidi, and the institution serves to make useful alliances with neighbors. Yazidis in Northern Iraq may also have a mirabbi (literally 'teacher'), chosen from any caste by rules of heredity.
Most Yazidi religious texts have been passed on exclusively by oral tradition, and many features characteristic of oral literature can be seen in them. It is now generally accepted that the manuscripts of the Yazidi Sacred Books, theMasháafâ Reæ and Ketêbâ Jelwa, published in 1911 and 1913, were 'forgeries' in the sense that they were written by non-Yazidis in response to Western travelers' and scholars' interest in the Yazidi religion, amid a general environment of trading in ancient manuscripts. However, the material within these manuscripts is consistent with the contents of the Yazidi oral traditions, and to that extent they may be considered authentic. Nevertheless, it seems that written texts with the titles Masháefâ Reæ and Ketêbâ Jelwa were known among the Yazidis long before this date, though they have remained unseen even by the vast majority of the community. The latter title is a shortened form of the title of a work by Hasan b. 'Adi, but it currently seems to denote manuscripts used for divination, which are still kept by certain Âdâni Shaikhs. Other written texts were known; meæur, kept by Pirs, giving accounts of lineages and attached morid families, and kaækul, which included prayers, religious history and some Qawls. These collections may also have included some of the Arabic odes (qasáidas) attributed to Shaikh 'Âdi which are used in the community. However, there is no evidence that the large corpus of sacred texts once existed in the form of a book.
The core religious texts are the qawls, hymns in Kurmanji which are often dedicated to a kâssand which make frequent allusions to events and persons not explained in the texts. These have, for most of their history, been orally transmitted, though there is some evidence that not all were orally composed. Knowledge and recitation of the qawls has traditionally been the province of the Qawwâl, though their training school no longer exists in their home villages. Few members of the Qawwâl families now learn either sacred texts or sacred instruments and those with the widest knowledge of the Qawls and their interpretation are now from other classes. In 1979 two young Yazidi intellectuals published a number of the qawls, provoking considerable controversy within the community. (A few had been published in the Soviet Union the previous year, but were presented as part of a folklore anthology and largely ignored). By the beginning of the 21st century more had been published in Armenia and a research program in Germany was almost complete. With the assent of the community, this latter aimed to collect and transcribe the many unpublished qawls for use in academic research and the education of Yazidi children, especially in the diaspora. Yazidism is thus being transformed into a scriptural religion.
The qawls, with their allusions and obscurities, are not easy to understand, and a tradition of interpretation has grown up. Each qawl has a ch or 'story' associated with it, which explains its context. Some of these chirôks show signs of having been developed long after the qawl. In general the qawls and the knowledge within them are the province of men of religion, but on certain occasions, a mosáháâbat is given. This is a sermon usually consisting of narrative interspersed with couplets from a qawl, which explains the sacred text, and is aimed at a general audience.
Other types of sacred text exist: the bayt which is difficult to distinguish from the qawl in formal terms, but unlike the secular Kurdish bayt (q.v.) is used to accompany religious events such as tâwusgerrân; the qasáida in Kurdish, often a praise-poem for a holy man which does not formally correspond to the Arabic or Persian qasáida; du'â and dirozâ, prayers for private and public use. There are seven forms of Yazidi samâ', consisting of music and the singing of hymns, usually a combination of qawl and qasáida; a solemn procession is also often part of these.
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M. Guidi, "Origine dei Yazidi e Storia Religiosa dell'Islam e del Dualismo," RSO 12, 1932, pp. 266-300.
P. G. Kreyenbroek, "Mithra and Ahreman, Binyâm^n and Malak Tâwûs: Traces of an Ancient Myth in the cosmogonies of Two Modern Sects," in Recurrent Patterns in Iranian Religion, ed. Ph. Gignoux, pp. 57-79,Stud.Ir., Cahier 11, Paris, 1992.
Idem, Yezidism–Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition, Lampeter, Wales, 1995.
Idem, "On the study of some heterodox sects in Kurdistan," in Islam des Kurdes, Les Annales de l'Autre Islam no. 5, Paris, 1998, pp. 163-84.
Idem, with Kh. Jindy Rashow, God and Sheykh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Hymns and Religious Narratives of the Yezidis, in the series Iranica, ed. M. Macuch, Berlin, forthcoming.
A. H. Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, 2 vols, London, 1849.
R. Lescot, Enquête sur les Yezidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sindjar, Beirut, 1938.
J. Menant, Les Ye‚zidiz : Épisodes de l'Histoire des Adorateurs du Diable, Paris, 1892.
A. Mingana, "Devil-worshippers; their beliefs and their sacred books," JRAS, 1916, pp. 505-26.
Idem, "Sacred books of the Yezidis," in ibid., 1921, pp. 117-19.
F. Nau and J. Tfinkdji, "Receuil de textes et de documents sur les Ye‚zidis," Revue de l'Orient Chre‚tien, 2nd series, vol. 20, 1915-17, pp. 142-200, 225-75.
N. Siouffi, "Notice sur la secte des Ye‚zidis," JA, ser. 7, vol. 19, 1882 pp. 252-68.
Idem, "Notice sur le Che‚ikh 'Adi et la Secte des Ye‚zidis," JA, ser. 8, vol. 5,1885, pp. 78-100.
Kh. Silêman, and Kh. Jindy, Êezadiyatî liber Ronaya Hindek Têkstêd Aînê ÊEzdiyan, Baghdad, 1979, repr. 1995 in Latin script, n.p.
- ^ a b c Izady, Mehrdad R. (1992), The Kurds : a concise handbook, Washington & London: Taylor & Francis, pp. 170 passim,ISBN 0-8448-1727-9
- ^ Azar Kayvan (1645–1658). "Dabestan-e Madaheb, section 1-2".
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 487
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 1143
- ^ Z. Mir-Hosseini, Inner Truth and Outer History: The Two Worlds of the Ahl-e Haqq of Kurdistan, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.26, 1994, p.267-268
- ^ Elahi, Nurali (1975), Buhan-i Haq (in Persian), Teheran, pp. anecdote 1098
- ^ "a belief system of great antiquity that is fundamentally a non-Semitic religion, with an Aryan superstructure overlaying a religious foundation indigenous to the Zagros. To identify the Cult or any of its denominations as Islamic is simply a mistake born of a lack of knowledge of the religion, which pre-dates Islam by millennia." Izady, Mehrdad R. (1992), The Kurds : a concise handbook, Washington: Taylor & Francis, pp. 172 passim, ISBN 0-8448-1727-9
- ^ See for example, Mir-Hosseini, Ziba (1992), "Kurdish costume", in Kreyenbroek, Philip G.; Allison, Christine, Kurdish culture and identity, London: Zed Books, ISBN 1-85649-330-X
- ^ "A belief system of great antiquity that is fundamentally a non-Semitic religion, with an Aryan superstructure overlaying a religious foundation indigenous to the Zagros. To identify the Cult or any of its denominations as Islamic is simply a mistake born of a lack of knowledge of the religion, which pre-dates Islam by millennia." Mukri, Muhammad. (1966), L'Esotrérism kurde (2nd (20020 ed.), Paris, p. 92
YAZIDISIM
A Heterodox Kurdish Religion
By: CHRISTINE ALLISON
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Yazidis, a heterodox Kurdish religious minority living predominantly in northern Iraq, Syria and south-east Turkey, with well-established communities in the Caucasus and a growing European diaspora. Anecdotal evidence of the existence of Yazidi groups in North-Western Persia has not yet been proven. There are probably some 200,000-300,000 Yazidis worldwide. The Yazidis have long been the object of fascination among Orientalists, largely due to their erroneous description by outsiders as 'devil-worshippers' (see below). The literature devoted to their religion is disproportionately large, considering how few they are in number by comparison with the large majority of Kurdish Muslims. Their name for themselves is usually, Êzdi, Êzidi, or, in some areas, Dâsini (the last, strictly speaking a tribal name). Some scholars have derived the name Yazidi from Old Iranian yazata (divine being), though the current consensus among Western academics is a derivation from Yazid b. Mo'âwiya, revered by the Yazidis as an incarnation of the divine figure Sultan Êzi. (Kreyenbroek, 1995, p. 3.
The Yazidis' cultural practices are observably Kurdish, and almost all speak Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish), with the exception of the villages of Ba'æiqa and Baházânê in Northern Iraq, where Arabic is spoken. Kurmanji is the language of almost all the orally transmitted religious traditions of the Yazidis. Religious origins are somewhat complex. The religion of the Yazidis is a highly syncretistic one: Sufi influence and imagery can be seen in their religious vocabulary, especially in the terminology of their esoteric literature, but much of the mythology is non-Islamic, and their cosmogonies apparently have many points in common with those of ancient Iranian religions. Early writers attempted to describe Yazidi origins, broadly speaking, in terms of 'Islam', or 'Iranian,' or sometimes even 'pagan' religions; however, publications since the 1990s have shown such an approach to be over-simplistic. The origin of the Yazidi religion is now usually seen by scholars as a complex process of syncretism, whereby the belief-system and practices of a local faith had a profound influence on the religiosity of adherents of the 'Adawiyya sufi order living in the Kurdish mountains, and caused it to deviate from Islamic norms relatively soon after the death of its founder, Shaikh 'Adi b. Mosâfer.
'Adi b. Mosâfer, who was of Omayyad descent, was born c. 1075 CE in the Beka‚a valley. After studying in Baghdad under Abu'l-Khayr Hammâd al-Dabbâs and alongside 'Abd-al-Qâdir al-Jilâni, he settled in the valley of Lâleæ (some thirty-six miles north-east of Mosul) in the early 12th century. Groups who venerated Yazid b. Mo'âwiya and the Omayyads–already known as Yazidis–had existed for some time in the area; beliefs and practices which were apparently part of an ancient Iranian religion were also retained by some of the local tribes. Shaikh 'Adi himself, a figure of undoubted orthodoxy, enjoyed widespread influence; he died in 1162 and his tomb at Lâleæ is a focal point of Yazidi pilgrimage. His name, pronounced Âdi or even Hâdi, passed into Yazidi oral tradition, though full knowledge of his identity was lost within the community. Yazidism grew during the period of Atabeg and Mongol rule. Only two generations later, led by Hasan b. 'Adi, the community had grown large and powerful enough to come into open conflict with the Atabeg of Mosul, who killed Hasan in 1246. At about the same point, it seems, the community began to incur the opprobrium of more orthodox Muslims for its excessive veneration of both Shaikh 'Adi and Yazid b. Mo'âwiya. During the fourteenth century, important Kurdish tribes whose sphere of influence stretched well into what is now Turkey (including, for a period, the rulers of the principality of Jazira) are cited in historical sources as Yazidi. (Guest, p. 45) Muslim leaders clearly perceived Yazidis as a threat; a significant battle took place in 1414, during which Shaikh 'Adi's tomb was razed. After the battle of Ùâlderân (1514; q.v.), Yazidi influence at first remained considerable; a Yazidi was appointed 'emir of the Kurds' by the Ottomans, and, in the 1530s, Yazidi emirs ruled the province of Sorân for a time. The current family of Yazidi mirs (emirs), claiming Omayyad origins, replaced the descendants of Shaikh Hasan in the sixteenth or seventeenth century. However, as time passed, conversions to Islam became increasingly common and Yazidi power declined. By the end of the Ottoman Empire many important tribes and confederations still had sizeable Yazidi sections, and the dynasty of Yazidi mirs remained dominant within a limited geographical area, but Yazidis had suffered enormously from religious persecution. Until 1849, when provision for their protection was made under Ottoman law, they had not had the status of 'People of the Book' (Guest, pp. 103-107; Edmonds, pp. 59-60). In the 19th century complex social and political changes, many related to the Tanzimat reforms, produced an environment of increasing religious intolerance culminating in large-scale massacres of the Christian minorities. The Yazidis, also targets of militant Sunnism, suffered at the hands of Kurdish tribal leaders such as Moháammed Beg of Rowanduz (1832) and Bedir Khan Beg (1840s), as well as Ottoman officials, such as 'Omar Wahbi Pasha (1893; Guest, pp. 96-97, 134-9; Edmonds, p. 60). There was some co-operation between the minorities; Yazidis of Mount Senjâr sheltered Armenians during the massacres of 1915-16. During the nineteenth and early twentieth century many Yazidis fled to Georgia and Armenia. In the second half of the twentieth century, most of Turkey's Yazidis, who still lived in fear of religious persecution, emigrated to Germany, and in the 1990s many of Iraq's Yazidi intelligentsia arrived there, where they play an active role in diaspora affairs, maintaining contact with co-religionists in Iraq and the Caucasus (Guest, pp. 193-203, Ackermann, forthcoming).
The Yazidi heartland is in Northern Iraq. A substantial community known for its conservatism lives on Mount Senjâr some 80km west of Mosul on the border with Syria. A collection of farming villages and small towns lies in the Šaikân area, in the foothills north-east of Mosul; this area is adjacent to the shrine of Lâleæ and contains the home of the mir and the settlements of Ba'æiqa and Baházânê, home of the qawwâls, reciters of sacred texts. In the 20th century both Šaikani and Senjâri communities struggled for religious dominance. In Syria there are also two main groupings, in the Jazira and the Kurd Dâg@ areas (the latter including the Sem'ân and 'Afrin communities). However, these are much smaller, probably totaling only about 15,000. In Turkey some Yazidis still live in the villages of the Tur 'Abdin, south-east of Diyarbakir, remnants of a much more widespread community. The Transcaucasian communities, which once numbered some 60,000, have also declined due to economic and political factors, though accurate statistics remain unavailable. During the 1990s the population in Georgia decreased from some 30,000 to under 5,000, though numbers in Armenia have apparently remained more constant. Diaspora communities have increased correspondingly; most importantly, some 40,000 Yazidis now live in Germany, mainly in the Western provinces of Niedersachsen and Nordrhein-Westfalen. Most are from Turkey, with arrivals during the 1990s from Iraq including some influential figures. This profile may change as the situation in Iraq evolves following the fall of the Saddam regime. A much smaller community exists in the Netherlands. Other groups of Yazidis, in Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and in the USA, Canada and Australia, are extremely small, and probably total well under 5,000.
Many attempts to define the Yazidis' ethnic identity (notably the policies of the Ba'athist government in Iraq, which designated them as Arabs) have been politically motivated. Apart from a few Arabic-speaking clans, Yazidi communities speak Kurmanji (Northern Kurdish) as their first language, and their cultural practices are Kurdish. Most Yazidis claim Kurdish identity; in Iraq, this view has had the support of the government in the Kurdish Autonomous Region since 1991. In the Caucasus however, particularly in Armenia, to be 'Kurdish' is often popularly associated with an Islamic (and thus pro-Azari) identity. Many Caucasian Yazidis, therefore, claim to belong to a separateethnie, though the politicization of the Kurdish question in Turkey and the influence of the PKK have reportedly caused a number in Armenia to redefine themselves as Kurds. In the diaspora, the Yazidis' status as Kurds is not debated so much as their religious origin. In nationalist discourse, the Yazidi religion is seen as the 'original' Kurdish faith, a view that distinguishes the Kurds from Arabs and Turks. It is sometimes inaccurately presented as a form of Zoroastrianism or, spuriously, as a 'Cult of Angels.' In the Caucasus, a hypothesis of Babylonian origins is favored. Such different interpretations of the Yazidis' origins are closely interlinked with expressions of identity, and tend to be explicable in terms of the prevailing political climate.
Contemporary Yazidism is a religion of orthopraxy. Practice, in terms of careful adherence to rules governing all aspects of life, is more important than the role of scriptural text, dogma and professions of personal belief. Two key and interrelated features of Yazidism are: a) a preoccupation with religious purity and b) a belief in metempsychosis. The first of these is expressed in the system of caste, the food laws, the traditional preferences for living in Yazidi communities, and the variety of taboos governing many aspects of life. The second is crucial; Yazidis traditionally believe that the Seven Holy Beings (see below) are periodically reincarnated in human form, called a kâss. Not only does this reinforce the caste system, as the members of the dominant religious castes are the descendants of the most recent manifestations of the Holy Beings in Shaikh 'Adi and his companions, but it also provides a mechanism for syncretism, as figures from other traditions can be said to be earlier manifestations of the kâss. A belief in the reincarnation of lesser Yazidi souls also exists; like the Ahl-e Haqq (q.v.), the Yazidis use the metaphor of a change of garment to describe the process, which they call kirâs gehorrin, 'changing the shirt.' Alongside this, Yazidi mythology also includes descriptions of heaven and hell, and other traditions attempting to reconcile these ideas with the belief-system of reincarnation.
In the Yazidi worldview, God created the world, which is now in the care of a Heptad of seven Holy Beings, often known as 'Angels' or haft serr (the Seven Mysteries.) Pre-eminent among these is Tâ'us-ê Malak or Malak Tâ'us, the Peacock Angel, who is equated with Satan by outsiders. Most Yazidis find this identification highly offensive; however, it is clear that Malak Tâ'us is an ambiguous figure. The Ketêbâ Jelwa 'Book of Illumination" which claims to be the words of Malak Tâ'us, and which presumably represents Yazidi belief (see below), states that he allocates responsibilities, blessings and misfortunes as he sees fit and that it is not for the race of Adam to question him. The Yazidi taboo against the word Š, and on words containing æ and t/t that might (to their ears) recall it, may indicate some perceived connection between this figure and Malak Tâ'us. The reasons for the connection remain unclear. Although some Sufi traditions have presented Satan as a redeemed or holy figure, Shaikh 'Adi b. Mosâfer was apparently orthodox on the matter. However, pre-Islamic Zoroastrian tradition indicates some link between Ahriman and the peacock, and this ambiguity may predate Islam. Yazidi accounts of creation, which have much in common with those of the Ahl-e Haqq (q.v.) state that the world created by God was at first 'a pearl'. It remained in this very small and enclosed state for some time (often a magic number such as forty or forty thousand years) before being remade in its current state; during this period the Heptad were called into existence, God made a covenant with them and entrusted the world to them. It has been suggested, on the evidence of pre-Zoroastrian Iranian cosmogony and its similarity to Yazidi cosmogonies, that if the Yazidis' ancestors venerated a benign demiurge who set the world (in its current state) in motion, the role of this figure may have become ambiguous when they came into contact with Zoroastrians, whose cosmogony was essentially similar, but whose demiurge was Ahriman, who polluted the world. Thus Yazidism would be, not a form of Zoroastrianism, but a religion possessing an Iranian belief-system akin to it.
Besides Malak Tâ'us, members of the Heptad (the Seven), who were called into existence by God at the beginning of all things, include Shaikh 'Âdi, his companion Shaikh Hasan, and a group known as the 'four Mysteries', Šamsadin, Fakradin, Sajâdin and Nâsáerdin. These latter, according to oral tradition, were the sons of an Êzdinâ Mir, whom Shaikh 'Âdi met at Lâleæ. All these figures are eponyms of clans of Âdâni shaikhs (see below); in Yazidi accounts of the cosmogony they tend to have other names, and they are also identified in other incarnations, such as Hasan al-Bâsári as an incarnation of Shaikh Hasan. Not all listings of the Seven are identical; sometimes, for instance, Shaikh 'Âdi himself is identified with Malak Tâ'us, and Shaikh Obakr is added.
The kâss and other holy beings are the focus of frequent veneration. The Heptad, under the names of the families of Shaikh 'Âdi and his companions, are objects of devotion, but so also are numerous lesser figures, also usually eponyms of clans of shaikhs or pirs (see below), who are requested for help on practical matters. Shaikh Mand, for instance, is believed to cure snakebites, and his descendants may handle snakes safely; the family of Pir Jarwân has power over scorpions. A female figure, Khâtuna Fakra, is associated with help in childbirth. Help from such beings may be sought by consultation with their descendants, or by veneration of a sacred site associated with them–occasionally a tomb, but more often a shrine consisting of a room with a spire, a small votive altar, a sacred tree, or a pool or cave. Many people who know little of the higher-status sacred texts make offerings at such places. Some of these cults appear to be very localized, but others are respected by members of other religions, and Yazidis also solicit help from local saints associated with other religions, especially Christianity (Kreyenbroek, 1995, pp. 91-123, 145-68; Drower, pp. 24-29, 51-60).
The holiest Yazidi site is the valley of Lâleæ, site of the tomb of Shaikh 'Âdi. A sacred microcosm of the world, as it were, it contains not only many shrines dedicated to the kâss, but a number of other landmarks corresponding to other sites or symbols of significance in other faiths, including pirrâ selât (SerâtÂÂ Bridge) and a mountain called Mt. 'Arafât. The two sacred springs are called Zamzam and Kâniyâ spi 'The White Spring'. The former rises in a cave below the sanctuary of Shaikh 'Âdi, the heart of the holy place. Water from the springs is mixed with earth from the holy valley to make barât, little molded balls that are taken away and treated with reverence; they play a part in some rites of passage such as marriage and funerary rites. If possible, Yazidis make at least one pilgrimage to Lâleæ during their lifetime, and those living in the region try to attend at least once a year for the autumn 'Feast of the Assembly" (see below). As for Lâleæ, pilgrimages to lesser sites may also be undertaken, to seek intercession, in gratitude for prayers answered, or as a vow.
Formalized prayer is largely a matter of personal preference and is not obligatory. The practice of praying facing the rising, noonday, and setting sun which is described by travelers seems not to have been universal and is now seen as an ideal rather than a norm. Such prayer should be accompanied by certain gestures, including kissing the rounded neck (gerivân) of the sacred shirt (kerâs). Those who wear the girdle–the black resta for certain dignitaries, the white æutik for other Yazidis–say a prayer when putting it on. Prayers have almost exclusively been transmitted orally; their texts have themes in common but vary in details.
Apart from individual rites of passage, such as marriage, baptism, circumcision, and death, Yazidis observe a number of communal festivals, some more widespread than others. The Yazidi New Year falls in Spring (somewhat later than Nowruz). There is some lamentation by women in the cemeteries, to the accompaniment of the music of the qawwâls(see below), but the festival is generally characterized by joyous events: the music of dahol (drum) and zornâ(shawm), communal dancing and meals, the decorating of eggs. Similarly the village tÂewaf (Ar. tÂawâf), a festival held in the spring in honor of the patron of the local shrine, has secular music, dance and meals in addition to the performance of sacred music. Another important festival is the tâwusgerrân (circulation of the peacock) where qawwâls and other religious dignitaries visit Yazidi villages, bringing the senjâq, sacred images representing the peacock and associated with Malak Tâ'us. These are venerated, taxes are collected from the pious, sermons are preached, and holy water distributed. The greatest festival of the year for ordinary Yazidis is the Je‘nâ Jamâ'iya(Feast of the Assembly) at Lâleæ, a seven-day occasion. A focus of widespread pilgrimage, this is an important time for social contact and affirmation of identity. The religious center of the event is the belief in an annual gathering of the Heptad in the holy place at this time; rituals practiced include the sacrifice of a bull at the shrine of Shaikh Šams, the washing of the 'bier of Shaikh 'Âdi,' the practice of samâ' (see below). Other festivals are more likely to be kept by the few than the many. Religious leaders observe forty-day fasts in summer and winter; a three-day winter fast culminating in the celebration of the birth of the kâssÊzid is kept more widely. The Ùêlkân, a tribe originating in the border areas of Turkey and Syria, keep a winter festival called Bâtizmiya. For some Yazidis at least, the kâss have their feast-days. Counterparts to certain Islamic feasts, including ', 'Id al-fetâr, and Laylat al-barâ'a are also observed by some.
The Yazidis' concern with religious purity, and their reluctance to mix elements perceived to be incompatible, is shown not only in their caste system, but also in various taboos affecting everyday life. Some of these, such as those on exogamy or on insulting or offending men of religion, are widely respected. Others, such as the prohibition of eating lettuce or wearing the color blue, are often ignored when men of religion are not present. Others still are less widely known and may be localized. The purity of the four elements, Earth, Air, Fire, and Water, is protected by a number of taboos–against spitting on earth, water, or fire, for instance. These may reflect ancient Iranian preoccupations, as apparently do the taboos concerning bodily refuse, hair, and menstrual blood. Too much contact with non-Yazidis is also polluting; in the past Yazidis avoided military service which would have led them to live among Muslims, and were forbidden to share such items as cups or razors with outsiders. The mixing with others brought about by formal education may be a major reason behind the well-known Yazidi taboo on learning to read and write. In the past, only Shaikhs of the Âdâni lineage group had the right to do so. Certain words are the subject of taboos, such as those dealing with cursing or stoning, or those which are felt to sound like the name Š, whose utterance is an unforgivable insult to Malak Tâ'us, obliging any Yazidi who heard it (in the past at any rate) to slay the speaker. Auditory resemblance may lie behind the taboo against eating lettuce, whose name kâs resembles Kurdish pronunciations of kâss. The taboo against eating pork appears to be a custom which follows Islam rather than a specifically Yazidi edict. Prohibitions are also attested, in certain areas at least, against fish, cockerel, gazelle, and various vegetables including okra, cauliflower, and pumpkin.
A widespread myth about the Yazidis' origin which gives them a distinctive ancestry expresses their feelings of difference from other races. Adam and Eve quarreled about which of them provided the creative element in the begetting of children. Each stored their seed in a jar which was then sealed. When Eve's was opened it was full of insects and other unpleasant creatures, but inside Adam's jar was a beautiful boy-child. This lovely child, known as Š(Šahed, son of Jar) grew up to marry a houri and became the ancestor of the Yazidis.
The Yazidis divide themselves into three endogamous major castes, with religious orders also playing an important role. Most Yazidis belong to the morid (layman; literally 'disciple']) group, which is endogamous, but, within the group, marriage is not restricted. Every morid must have a shaikh and a pir; the lineage of these is determined by the morid's own heredity. The Shaikhs are divided into three endogamous lineage groups, the Šamsâni, Âdâni and Qâtâni, the latter of which also shares its ancestry with the family of the mir. The pirs are divided into four main groups, and forty clans, most of whom may intermarry. Both groups receive alms from their morids. Tithes paid to the Shaikh are more substantial; however, the difference between the two groups lies not in the nature of their religious tasks, but rather in ancestry (the shaikhs apparently associated with non-Kurdish companions or relations of Shaikh 'Âdi, and the pirs with his Kurdish companions). At puberty, each morid should also choose a 'brother' or 'sister of the Hereafter', berâyê or k, normally a Shaikh, who performs certain important rituals at transitional points such as marriage and death.
The Qawwâls or reciters constitute a different class, and come from two clans, the Kurmanji-speaking Dimli and the Arabic-speaking Tazhi, settled in the villages of Ba'æiqa and Beházânê, in the Šaik an area. They specialize in the playing of religious music on sacred instruments, the daf (frame-drum) and æebâb (flute), and in the recital of the sacred hymns or qawls. They also carry out the tâwusgerrân; these were severely curtailed in the twentieth century when crossing international frontiers became more difficult; the Transcaucasian communities in particular were effectively cut off from the Yazidi religious centers.
There are also religious 'orders' whose members may come from different castes. The Faqirs become members of their order by an initiation which was once open to all, but as time has passed have become in effect a hereditary group, with initiation undergone almost exclusively by members of faqir families. They are expected to lead a life of piety and abstinence, by fasting, refraining from drinking and smoking, avoiding any violent behavior. Their clothes, especially their black woolen k or tunic that recalls that of Shaikh 'Âdi, are considered to be sacred, and their persons must not be harmed. Some are very learned in religious lore. The Kochaks are a small non-hereditary group charged with outdoor labor for Shaikh 'Âdi, such as cutting wood and drawing water for the shrine. Some in the past have been clairvoyants, miracle workers and interpreters of dreams; a few have acquired political influence in this way, such as the nineteenth-century Kochak Mirzâ of Mount Senjâr, who predicted the fall of Islam.
There are a number of important offices in the Yazidi hierarchy. The Mir (prince) is both temporal and spiritual head of the community; his person is sacred, and in theory all Yazidis owe him spiritual allegiance. In practice the temporal influence of the family, based in Bâ'drê in Šaikân, has declined since the late 18th century, though it remains a substantial landowner, and is active in Kurdish politics. Members of this family are linked to the Qâtâni Shaikhs. The Prince, along with other dignitaries, is a member of the Yazidi Majlesi Roháâni 'Religious Council'. The Bâbâ Shaikh(Father Shaikh), is the leader of the Shaikhs and must come from the Šamsâni branch. He must lead a pious life; regarded by many as the spiritual leader of the Yazidis, he supervises the Kochaks and many of the ceremonies at Lâleæ cannot take place without his presence. The functions of the Piæ-imâm (Foremost Imam) are less clear; a representative of the Âdâni Shaikhs, he leads certain rituals. The Bâbâ Ùâwuæ, (Father Guardian), guardian of the shrine at Lâleæ, leads a life of piety and celibacy. He lives there permanently and has authority over what happens there; he is assisted by the feqrayyât, (celibate 'nuns') who are unmarried or widowed and also care for the sanctuaries. These are very few in number. Successive families of faqirs living there on a temporary basis also look after the fabric of the shrine and take care of guests.
The institution of karâfat, whereby a relationship of sponsorship is created with a man on whose knees a boy is circumcised, exists among Yazidis as for other groups. This often creates close relationships with other communities; since the family of the child may not intermarry with that of the kariv for seven generations, the karivhimself is usually not a Yazidi, and the institution serves to make useful alliances with neighbors. Yazidis in Northern Iraq may also have a mirabbi (literally 'teacher'), chosen from any caste by rules of heredity.
Most Yazidi religious texts have been passed on exclusively by oral tradition, and many features characteristic of oral literature can be seen in them. It is now generally accepted that the manuscripts of the Yazidi Sacred Books, theMasháafâ Reæ and Ketêbâ Jelwa, published in 1911 and 1913, were 'forgeries' in the sense that they were written by non-Yazidis in response to Western travelers' and scholars' interest in the Yazidi religion, amid a general environment of trading in ancient manuscripts. However, the material within these manuscripts is consistent with the contents of the Yazidi oral traditions, and to that extent they may be considered authentic. Nevertheless, it seems that written texts with the titles Masháefâ Reæ and Ketêbâ Jelwa were known among the Yazidis long before this date, though they have remained unseen even by the vast majority of the community. The latter title is a shortened form of the title of a work by Hasan b. 'Adi, but it currently seems to denote manuscripts used for divination, which are still kept by certain Âdâni Shaikhs. Other written texts were known; meæur, kept by Pirs, giving accounts of lineages and attached morid families, and kaækul, which included prayers, religious history and some Qawls. These collections may also have included some of the Arabic odes (qasáidas) attributed to Shaikh 'Âdi which are used in the community. However, there is no evidence that the large corpus of sacred texts once existed in the form of a book.
The core religious texts are the qawls, hymns in Kurmanji which are often dedicated to a kâssand which make frequent allusions to events and persons not explained in the texts. These have, for most of their history, been orally transmitted, though there is some evidence that not all were orally composed. Knowledge and recitation of the qawls has traditionally been the province of the Qawwâl, though their training school no longer exists in their home villages. Few members of the Qawwâl families now learn either sacred texts or sacred instruments and those with the widest knowledge of the Qawls and their interpretation are now from other classes. In 1979 two young Yazidi intellectuals published a number of the qawls, provoking considerable controversy within the community. (A few had been published in the Soviet Union the previous year, but were presented as part of a folklore anthology and largely ignored). By the beginning of the 21st century more had been published in Armenia and a research program in Germany was almost complete. With the assent of the community, this latter aimed to collect and transcribe the many unpublished qawls for use in academic research and the education of Yazidi children, especially in the diaspora. Yazidism is thus being transformed into a scriptural religion.
The qawls, with their allusions and obscurities, are not easy to understand, and a tradition of interpretation has grown up. Each qawl has a ch or 'story' associated with it, which explains its context. Some of these chirôks show signs of having been developed long after the qawl. In general the qawls and the knowledge within them are the province of men of religion, but on certain occasions, a mosáháâbat is given. This is a sermon usually consisting of narrative interspersed with couplets from a qawl, which explains the sacred text, and is aimed at a general audience.
Other types of sacred text exist: the bayt which is difficult to distinguish from the qawl in formal terms, but unlike the secular Kurdish bayt (q.v.) is used to accompany religious events such as tâwusgerrân; the qasáida in Kurdish, often a praise-poem for a holy man which does not formally correspond to the Arabic or Persian qasáida; du'â and dirozâ, prayers for private and public use. There are seven forms of Yazidi samâ', consisting of music and the singing of hymns, usually a combination of qawl and qasáida; a solemn procession is also often part of these.
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A. Ackermann "A Double Minority: Notes on the emerging Yezidi Diaspora" in W. Kokot and Kh. Tölölyan, eds., Religion, Identity and Diaspora. London, forthcoming.
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P. Anastase Marie, "La de‚couverte re‚cente des deux livres sacre‚s des Ye‚zîdis," Anthropos 6, 1911, pp. 1-39.
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W. F. Ainsworth, Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, Mesopotamia and Armenia, London, 1841.
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M. Bittner, Die Heiligen Bücher der Jeziden oder Teufelsanbeter (Kurdisch und Arabisch), Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Phil.-Hist., Klasse, Band 55, Vienna, 1913.
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O. and C. Celil, "Qewl û Beytê ÊEzdiya" in Zargotina K'urda/Kurdskij Folklor, Moscow 1978, pp. 5ff.
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S. al- Damlûj^, al-Yaz^diyya, Mosul 1949. E.S. Drower, Peacock Angel, London, 1941.
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R.Y. Ebied and M. J. L. Young, "An account of the history and rituals of the Yaz^d^s of Mosul," Le Muse‚on85, 1972, pp. 481-522.
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C.J. Edmonds, A Pilgrimage to Lalish, London, 1967.
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R. H. W. Empson, The Cult of the Peacock Angel, London, 1928.
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R. Frank, Scheich 'Adî, der grosse Heilige der Jezîdîs, Berlin, 1911.
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N. Fuccaro, The Other Kurds: Yazidis in Colonial Iraq, London,1999.
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G. Furlani, Testi Religiosi dei Yezidi, Testi e Documenti per la Storia delle Religioni 3, Bologna, 1930.
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J. S. Guest, The Yezidis: A Study in Survival, New York and London 1987, rev. ed. Survival Among the Kurds: A History of the Yezidis 1993.
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M. Guidi, "Origine dei Yazidi e Storia Religiosa dell'Islam e del Dualismo," RSO 12, 1932, pp. 266-300.
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P. G. Kreyenbroek, "Mithra and Ahreman, Binyâm^n and Malak Tâwûs: Traces of an Ancient Myth in the cosmogonies of Two Modern Sects," in Recurrent Patterns in Iranian Religion, ed. Ph. Gignoux, pp. 57-79,Stud.Ir., Cahier 11, Paris, 1992.
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Idem, Yezidism–Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition, Lampeter, Wales, 1995.
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Idem, "On the study of some heterodox sects in Kurdistan," in Islam des Kurdes, Les Annales de l'Autre Islam no. 5, Paris, 1998, pp. 163-84.
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Idem, with Kh. Jindy Rashow, God and Sheykh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Hymns and Religious Narratives of the Yezidis, in the series Iranica, ed. M. Macuch, Berlin, forthcoming.
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A. H. Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, 2 vols, London, 1849.
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R. Lescot, Enquête sur les Yezidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sindjar, Beirut, 1938.
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J. Menant, Les Ye‚zidiz : Épisodes de l'Histoire des Adorateurs du Diable, Paris, 1892.
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A. Mingana, "Devil-worshippers; their beliefs and their sacred books," JRAS, 1916, pp. 505-26.
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F. Nau and J. Tfinkdji, "Receuil de textes et de documents sur les Ye‚zidis," Revue de l'Orient Chre‚tien, 2nd series, vol. 20, 1915-17, pp. 142-200, 225-75.
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Kh. Silêman, and Kh. Jindy, Êezadiyatî liber Ronaya Hindek Têkstêd Aînê ÊEzdiyan, Baghdad, 1979, repr. 1995 in Latin script, n.p.
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QAWLa type of poetry that plays a central role in the religious life of the Yezidis. These hymns are chanted to music on solemn religious occasions.
QAWL, Yezidi, a type of poetry that plays a central role in the religious life of the Yezidis. These hymns are chanted to music on solemn religious occasions, and are an important source of Yezidi religious knowledge.
Traditionally the qawls are transmitted orally, mainly in families of hereditary professional “reciters” (qawwāl), while other Yezidi religious leaders usually have some knowledge of them as well. Qawwāls were taught the texts of a number ofqawls (from under ten to over a hundred, depending on personal ability), and the specific melody (Kurd. kubrî) of each one. In some cases they were also trained to understand the deeper meaning of these hymns, so as to enable them to refer to these in their sermons (mesḥābat), which form an important part of certain religious functions. On such occasions qawls are also chanted to the accompaniment of the “sacred” instruments, the tambourine (daf) and flute (šebāb).
The qawls are composed in Northern Kurdish dialect. They are usually end-rhymed, and can be relatively long (the longest-known qawl has 117 stanzas, while the usual length is 20-60 stanzas). Both their language and content point to an early origin of the hymns, though the oral character of their transmission makes it impossible to give firm dates. Whereas later Yezidism regarded itself as wholly separate from Islam, the hymns reflect a period when the community still thought of itself as “the (true) Sunna,” as opposed to “the People of the Shariʿa” (i.e., the majority of Muslims) and the “Rāfeżis,” meaning Shiʿites (Kreyenbroek, pp. 226-27). The few references to a direct opposition between the community and “the Muslims” presumably reflect a later stage in this development.
It seems likely that the term qawl was used exclusively for compositions by early religious leaders, similar hymns of a different origin being know as bayt. In some texts the author’s name or pen-name is given at the end, or his identity is indicated by the title. This evidence suggests that several prolific qawl composers were at work at an early stage of the community’s history, but we have no certainty as to the veracity of the attributions. Both the structure and the content of several hymns suggest that they may originally have been composed in written form.
Central topics found in the qawls are (1) the cosmogony; (2) the early history of the faith and community; (3) stories about miracles and holy figures; (4) eschatology; (5) death, grief and consolation; (6) mystical themes, usually inspired by the Sufi tradition; (7) stories deriving from the Islamic or Judeo-Christian traditions; (8) proper behavior.
Bibliography:
O. and Dz. Dzhalil (O. and C. Celîl), Kurdskiĭ Fol’klor II, Moscow, 1978.
P. G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition, Lewiston, N.Y., 1995.
J. E. Murad, “The Sacred Poems of the Yazidis: An Anthropological Approach,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1993.
Kh. Silēman, Gundiyatī (Village lore), Baghdad, 1985.
Kh. Silēman and Kh. Jindī, Ēzdiyatī: liber rošnaya hindek tēkstēd aīnīyē Ēzdiyan(Yezidism: in the light of some religious texts of the Yezidis), Baghdad, 1979.
(Philip G. Kreyenbroek)
Originally Published: July 20, 2002
Last Updated: July 20, 2002
QAWL, Yezidi, a type of poetry that plays a central role in the religious life of the Yezidis. These hymns are chanted to music on solemn religious occasions, and are an important source of Yezidi religious knowledge.
Traditionally the qawls are transmitted orally, mainly in families of hereditary professional “reciters” (qawwāl), while other Yezidi religious leaders usually have some knowledge of them as well. Qawwāls were taught the texts of a number ofqawls (from under ten to over a hundred, depending on personal ability), and the specific melody (Kurd. kubrî) of each one. In some cases they were also trained to understand the deeper meaning of these hymns, so as to enable them to refer to these in their sermons (mesḥābat), which form an important part of certain religious functions. On such occasions qawls are also chanted to the accompaniment of the “sacred” instruments, the tambourine (daf) and flute (šebāb).
The qawls are composed in Northern Kurdish dialect. They are usually end-rhymed, and can be relatively long (the longest-known qawl has 117 stanzas, while the usual length is 20-60 stanzas). Both their language and content point to an early origin of the hymns, though the oral character of their transmission makes it impossible to give firm dates. Whereas later Yezidism regarded itself as wholly separate from Islam, the hymns reflect a period when the community still thought of itself as “the (true) Sunna,” as opposed to “the People of the Shariʿa” (i.e., the majority of Muslims) and the “Rāfeżis,” meaning Shiʿites (Kreyenbroek, pp. 226-27). The few references to a direct opposition between the community and “the Muslims” presumably reflect a later stage in this development.
It seems likely that the term qawl was used exclusively for compositions by early religious leaders, similar hymns of a different origin being know as bayt. In some texts the author’s name or pen-name is given at the end, or his identity is indicated by the title. This evidence suggests that several prolific qawl composers were at work at an early stage of the community’s history, but we have no certainty as to the veracity of the attributions. Both the structure and the content of several hymns suggest that they may originally have been composed in written form.
Central topics found in the qawls are (1) the cosmogony; (2) the early history of the faith and community; (3) stories about miracles and holy figures; (4) eschatology; (5) death, grief and consolation; (6) mystical themes, usually inspired by the Sufi tradition; (7) stories deriving from the Islamic or Judeo-Christian traditions; (8) proper behavior.
Bibliography:
O. and Dz. Dzhalil (O. and C. Celîl), Kurdskiĭ Fol’klor II, Moscow, 1978.
P. G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition, Lewiston, N.Y., 1995.
J. E. Murad, “The Sacred Poems of the Yazidis: An Anthropological Approach,” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1993.
Kh. Silēman, Gundiyatī (Village lore), Baghdad, 1985.
Kh. Silēman and Kh. Jindī, Ēzdiyatī: liber rošnaya hindek tēkstēd aīnīyē Ēzdiyan(Yezidism: in the light of some religious texts of the Yezidis), Baghdad, 1979.
(Philip G. Kreyenbroek)
Originally Published: July 20, 2002
Last Updated: July 20, 2002